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EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA:
A HISTORY
OF THE
ENGLISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA,
AS TOLD IN THE GOVERNMENT RECORDS, THE WORKS OF OLD TRAVELLERS, AND OTHER
CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD DOWN TO
THE RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA.
C, BT
f. TALBOYS WHEELER,
lATE ASSISTANT SECBETAET TO THE GOTERNMEST OF INDIA IN THE FOEEiaN DEPARTMENT
AUIHOE OF "A HISTORY OF INDIA FROM THE EAELIEST AGES;"
" THE GEOGEAFHY OF HEEODOTUSj" ETC.
CALCUTTA :
PUBLISHED BY W. NEWMAN & CO., 3, DALHOUSIE SQUARE.
1878.
CiliCTTTTA :
TKINTED BY THE SUPEKINTENDENT OF GOVEENMENT PElNTINa,
8, HASTINGS STBEET.
PREFACE.
f MHE subject-matter of tlie present volurac is, per-
-*- liapSj sufficiently told on the title-page. It
may, however, be explained that the compiler was
originally employed to report on the records of the
Home Department in Calcutta, and intended to
confine his extracts to the papers preserved there.
As, however, he proceeded with the task it was dis-
covered that the value of those records had been
much overrated. They were incomplete in them-
selves, and not only overloaded with detail, but
were mostly written in the verbose style of the
eighteenth century. Those of an early date had
been destroyed in the great storm of 1737, or were
lost at the capture of Calcutta in 1756 by the
Nawab of Bengal. Those of a later date throw
considerable light upon the progl'ess of affairs during
the transition period, when the Company's servants
were beginning to exercise a political power in
India ; but they do not furnish details as regards
the social life of the early English settlers in
Bengal, which is still a desideratum in Anglo-Indiaii
history.
1
'^y PKEFACE.
The extracts given will suffice to sliow to what
extent these records possess an intrinsic interest.
In order, however, to complete the usefulness of the
volume, and render it of historical value, the com-
piler has been led to extend his researches over a
T\-ider field. He has collected extracts from the
works of old travellers and other contemporary
authorities, which bring out the workings of the
English element amongst the native population, not
only at Calcutta, but at Surat, Bombay, and Madras.
Sm'at was perhaps scarcely a settlement; it was
only a house or factory. But it was the first factory
which the English established in India ; and the
pictures furnished by the old travellers, Mandelslo
and Fiyer, of English life at Surat in the reigns of
Charles the Eii'st and Charles the Second, will pro-
bably have a charm for most readers. In Hke manner
Fryer's description of Bombay, some twenty years
after its cession to the English by the Portuguese,
will excite imperial interest. It throws fm'ther
light upon that indomitable spirit of English
enterprise which has converted a pestilential island
into one of the great commercial cities of the world.
As regards Madras, the compiler has had excep-
tional sources of information. The old records of
the commercial period, which were wanting in
Calcutta, have been preserved at Madras. In 1860
PREFACE. V
Sir Charles Trevelyan, then Goyernor of Madras,
opened up the records of that Presidency to the
compiler for the first time. The result was a
publication of a series of extracts from the records ;
and these extracts were illustrated, or rather held
together, by an explanatory narrative. The work
was published in three volumes under the title of
"Madras m the Olden Time."
That portion of the present volume which
deals with Madras comprises a selection of such
Madras records as are likely to interest general
readers. Those which are only of local value,
and likely to prove tedious to readers outside the
Madras Presidency, have been generally excluded.
Those which illustrate the primitive system of
administration, the old Enghsh life within the walls
of Port St. George and Black Town, or the rela-
tions between the English residents and native
population, have been reproduced in extenso, or
in the form of an abridged summary. These
again have been supplemented by extracts from
the travels of Pryer and Hamilton. Something
is thus opened up of the inner state of affairs dur-
ing the seventeenth century, and early years of the
eighteenth, and the way in which the Company's
administration of Madras was regarded by strangers
and interlopers.
XT
^
yi PEEFACE.
In dealing with Calcutta the compiler has pro-
ceeclcd much on the same jninciple. The absence
of records prior to the capture of Calcutta in
1756 has been suppUed by extracts or summaries
from contemporary authorities, such as Holwcll,
the Syar-ul-Mutakherin, StcTrari's Ilistoiy of
Bengal, and otherworks of a like character. The
following documents are specially worthy of
notice: —
1st. — The letters of certain English envoys who went on a
mission from Calcutta to Delhi as far back as 1715. This
correspondence was discovered at Madras duriug the
investigations of ISCO and 1861.
2ncl. — Extracts from Hamilton's Travels about 1720, which
furnish graphic pictures of old Calcutta life, as well as sketches
of all the European settlements in Bengal.
3rd. — HolwelFs Narrative of the Tragedy in the Black
Hole in 3 756. Holwcll was one of the sufferers in that
terrible catastrophe, in which a hundred and twenty-three
persons were stifled to death in a small dungeon, whilst only
twenty-three lived till the next morning.
Of the remainder of the volume little need be
said. It consists of extracts from the Calcutta
records strung together by an explanatoiy narrative.
There arc some strange and lamentable episodes,
such as the quarrel over the inland trade and the
massacre at Patna. All, however, may be left to
tell theu' own stoiy.
PREFACE. vii
Tlic labour wliicli has been spent upon this
volume is beyond all calculation. It cannot be
judged by the results, but only from the voluminous
records which have been carefully searched but
yielded nothing. The time expended, however, will
never be regretted should it appear that the in-
formation now collected from original or half -for-
gotten som'ccs has helped to throw more light
upon the rise of British power in India.
J. TALBOYS WHEELER.
Caictttta,
The 26 ih December 1S77.
f
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
IXDTA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
A. D. 1600 TO 1700.
Early English settlements ....
Division of India: — Hindustan, Dekhan, Peninsul
Hindus under Muhammadau rule
Afghans and Moghuls .
Moghul Empire in India
Akhar, 1556-1605 .
Policy of Akbar .
Partiality for Hindus and Europeans
Inherent weakness of Moghul rule
Moghul despotism
Land tenures ....
Eenter and husbandman
Proprietory right of the Sovereign
Eights of inheritance refused to office-holder
Life in public
Government in the provinces
Eevenue system
Presents ....
Moghul Court
Eebellions ....
Jehangir, 1605-1627 .
Shah Jehau, 1628-1658
Aurungzeb, 1658 to 1707
Bigotry and hypocrisy
War between the four princes
Eeign of Aurungzeb
Eise of the Mahrattas .
Sivaji, the Mahratta
War against Sivaji
Sivaji at Delhi
Death of Sivaji, 1680 .
Auriingzeb fakes the field
PAGE
1
ib.
2
ib.
3
ib.
ib.
4
5
ib.
6
ib.
7
ib.
8
ib.
9
10
ib.
11
12
ib.
ib.
13
ib.
14
ib.
15
ib.
ib.
16
ib.
COXTENTS.
Persecuting wars against Hindus
Wars ia Eajputaua
PAGE
16
17
The Gov
CHAPTER II.
EXGLISH AT SURAT AXD BOMBAY.
A. D. 1600 TO 1700.
Early settlement at Surat
Hostility of the Portuguese
Pomp of the President .
Visit of Mandelslo
Surat Custom House
Entertainment at the English house
Order of the English Factory
Tea ... .
English Garden
Amusements at Surat
Journey to Ahmadabad
Rajput outlaws
Ahmadabad
Ahmadabad maintains 12,000 horse
His Court
His expense .
Mandelslo visits the Governor of Ahmadabad
Their discourse
Dinner
A second visit to the Governor
Opium
Character of the Governor of Ahmadabad
His crueltj-. Mandeklo leaves Ahmadabad
Visit of Fryer to Surat ....
The English Factory ....
Full of noise .....
The four Chief Offices ....
The Company's Servants, and their Salaries
The under factories modelled by this
The Presidency .....
The advantage of being at the Council .
The baseness of the Banians
Number of persons in the Factory
State of the President ....
All places in India subject to the Presidency
dities .......
ernor's wealth
with their commo
18
ib.
ib.
19
ib.
20
21
22
ib.
ib.
ib.
23
ib.
ib.
24
ib.
ib.
ib.
25
ib.
26
27
28
ib.
ib.
29
ib.
30
ib.
ib.
31
ib.
ib.
ib.
32
CONTENTS.
XI
aiust
The investment set on foot in tlie rains
This trade managed by a Company better than by
Their Freemen greater slaves than their Servants
The Charges of the English Company not so gr
landers ......
Their Charter put in force
The course of the Presidents .
The English defend themselves with honour a
time ......
The power of the President .
Ill success of the first adventures .
War with Portugal ....
The Company enrich this Port
Eudeness of the Mussulman mendicants
Seamen
Subordination of Bombay to Surat
The Town of Bombay ....
Fresh-water springs scarce
Woods of Cocoes
Parell
Salt-pans
Maijm
SalvasoDg
Malabar Hill
Bigness of the island ....
Mixt people
English Government ....
Power and state of the President .
Unhealthiness of Bombay
English women
Longevity of natives and Portuguese .
Misery and mortality of the English
English embassy to Sivaji
OfRciousness of a Chief Minister of State to
Eaii'ee .......
ThehiU
Audience with Sivaji ....
Sivaji weighed in gold ....
Grants the request of the English
The Ambassador summoned to the Coronation
Coronation of Sivaji
The Rajah man-ies a fourth wife .
Sivaji signs the Articles
Value of the foregoing description
eat as
theE
ree-traders
FAGK
32
33
ib.
the
IIol-
Sivii
a second
ndi
ib.
ib.
31
ib.
ib.
ib.
35
ib.
36
ib.
ib.
37
ib.
ib.
38
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
39
ib.
ib.
ib.
40
ib.
ib.
41
42
ib.
43
ib.
ib.
44
ib.
45
ib.
46
ib.
ib.
xii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
ENGLISH AT MADRAS.
A. D. 1600 TO 1677.
Attempts at a settlement on the eastern side of India ... 47
Want of a territory and fortification ...... ib.
Purchase of Madras ib.
Madras founded, 1639 ^ 48
Territory and island . . . ib.
White Town 49
Black Town ib.
Early perils 50
Rise of Madras ib.
Absence of records prior to 1670 ....... ib.
Capture of St. Thome by the Muhammadans of Golkonda . . ib.
Madras in 1672 51
European establishment ........ ib.
Consultations and general letters ....... ib.
Merchants, Factors, Wi-itei's, and Apprentices . . . .52
Private trade and presents . . , . . . . . ib.
Chaplain and Schoolmaster ........ ib.
Administration of justice ........ 53
Native police ib.
Morals 5i
Fryer's visit about 1674 ib.
Went ashore in a boat called a Mussoola ..... ib.
Landed, are well wetted at Fort St. George ib.
The Fort described 55
Neat dwellings 56
Portuguese Chapel ......... ib-
The English masters of Madras ....... ib.
Sir William Langhorn Agent ....... ib.
Number of English and Portugals 57
Black Town ib.
Visited a Pagoda, or Heathen Temple ib.
The English Tombs 58
The English Gardens . . . . . . . . . ib.
What Pawn is 59
Nature of the people ib.
The country ib.
St. Thome 60
History of St. Thomr.s . . ib.
St. Thomas Christians ib.
CONTENTS. Xiii
CHAPTER IV.
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA.
A. D. 1670 TO 1688.
PAGB
" Madras in the Olden Time" 62
Government of Sir William Langhornj 1670-77 . . . . ib.
Frencli invasion .......... ib
Madras in danger ib.
Bobba Sabeb 63
Proposed abandonment of Madras . . . . . . ib-
Surrender of the French 65
Peace with the Dutch ib«
Moral rules at Madras ib.
Low state of morals ......... 66
Reverend Patrick Warner 68
Letter to the Directoi's ib.
Vicious lives . .......... ib.
Drunkenness 69
Popery ib.
Evil marriages . . . ib.
Neglect of public worship ••...... 70
Immorality of the few ......... ib.
Salute at a Catholic Church ........ 71
Mallory and Barnes ib.
Warner's return .......... 72
Change of Governors at Madras ib,
Sivaji, the Mahratta ......... 73
Departure of Sivaji , . . . ib.
Condition of Mysore . . . , ib.
The nose-cutting Raja of Saranpatan ...... 74
Foundation of a Protestant church at Madras . . . .75
Marriages of Protestants and Catholics ib.
Offspring of mixed marriages 76
Oppression of Lingapa ib.
Embargo on Madras 77
Firman from Golkonda .78
Troubles at Madras . . . . . . . . . ib.
Mr. William Gyfford ! 79
Mr. Josiah Child ib.
Local taxes ib.
Resolution of the Dii-ectors 80
Inundation at Madras ib.
Dii'ectors insist on local taxation . . si
XIV
CONTENTS.
Petition of Natives of Madras
Proceedings of the Madras Government
Slave trade at Madras . . . ,
Final prohibition of the slave trade
Golkonda threatened by Aurungzeb
Instructions of the Directors
English defy the Sultan of Golkonda
CHAPTER V.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS.
A. D. 1688 TO 1750.
Golliouda conquered by Aurungzeb
Destruction of the English Factory at Hughli
War between the English and Moghuls -
Mr. Channock at Madras ....
Nawab of Bengal invites the English to return
Madras a Sovereign State ....
Qualifications for a Second in Council .
Difficulties between the Directors and the Council
Form of Municipal Government : Natives mixed with E
Discretionary powers . . - .
Madras in danger ....
Ilclations between the English and the Moghuls and the
Lloghuls capture Golkonda .
Madras submits to the JMoghul
Application of a Moghul's Life Guardsman
Mahratta ravages
Affairs at Golkonda ....
Moghul negotiations ....
Presents to the Mahratta Ptaja
Mahrattas besiege Pondicherry
Mo<'hul Caruatic and Mahratta Carnatic
Frontier fortress of Ginjee or Jinji
Zulfikar Kban, first Nawab of the Carnatic
English settlement at Fort St. David
Siege of Jinji by the Moghuls . ;
Privations of tlie Moghuls .
Troubles at the Moghul camp
Mahratta successes ....
Zulfikar Khan straitened for money
Nawab expected to attack Madras .
Moghuls capture Jinji ....
urope:i
Mah:
■attas
PAOE
81
82
83
85
ib.
87
88
ib.
89
ib.
90
ib.
Dl
92
ib.
93
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
94
95
96
ib.
97
98
ib.
ib.
99
ib.
ib.
ib.
100
ib.
ib.
101
ib.
CONTENTS.
3CV
Nawab's friendship for the English
Batid Khan, second Nawab of the Caj-natic
More demands for money
Resolution of Governor Pitt .
Nawah Daiid Khan gives way
Governor Pitt's hospitality .
Preparation for entertaining the Nawab Daud Khai
The dinner ....
Return to St. Thome
Nawab proposes going ou board the English ships
How prevented
Proposed visit to the Company's garden ; also prevented
Extraordinary demands of Aurungzeb
Moghul ideas of Europeans .
Moghul ships
English pirates .
Moghul threats . .
Preparations of the English .
Khafi Khan's visit to Bombay
Bombay Castle
Bomhay Governor
Demands of the Moghul on Governor Pitt
Commotions at Madras .
Remonstrance of Govenior Pitt
Threats of Nawab Daud Khan
Siege of Madras
February to April .
The English offer terms
Dadd Khan raises the siege .
Death of William III .
Proclamation of Queen Anne .
Destruction of a Moghul army
Eight and left hands
Closer relations with Delhi
Curious trade repoit, 1712
Madras trade in 1712 .
Later records
Changes in marriage laws
Curious will, 1720
Captain HamUtou at Madras .
Site of Madras
Prosperity of Madras during the
Town HaU. and Corporation .
Mayor's Court . ,
PAGE
102
ib.
103
ib.
104
ib.
ib.
105
106
ib.
ib.
ib.
107
ib.
ib.
108
ib.
109
ib.
ib.
110
111
ib.
112
ib.
113
ib.
ib.
114
ib.
ib.
115
ib.
116
ib.
117
118
119
121
124
ib.
125
126
ib.
Xvi CONTENTS.
PAGB
Law at Madras . l'-i7
Pirates ib.
Hamilton's voyage to Siam ib.
Hamilton's grievance 128
Inhabitants of Black Town ' ib.
Goveraor absolute 129
Sea-gate . . ib.
Mint, schools, <S;c ib.
Diamond mines ........ • • 130
Working of the mines ib.
Decrease of trade . . . ib.
Foreign ti-ade ib.
Population ........... 131
St. Thome • . ib.
Legend of St. Thomas ib.
Church at St. Thome . . . .... . . .132
Company's garden . . . ... . . . . ib.
Decay of St. Thome 133
Keorganisatiou of the Mayor's Court ib.
Grotesque procession ......... ib.
Political relations . ib.
Nawab of Arcot 134
Hindu and Moghul administration contrasted . . . . ib.
Breaking up of the Moghul Empire ib.
Growing independence of the Nizam of Hyderabad . . . 135
Dependence of the Nawab of Arcot on the Nizam . . . . ib.
Hereditary Nawabs 136
Troubles in the Carnatic ib.
Mahi-attas at Trichinopoly ib.
Murder of the Nawab . . . * 137
Accession of the Nawab's son ib.
Intervention of the Nizam ib.
Anwar-ud-din 138
Murder of the young Nawab ib.
Anwar-ud-din becomes Nawab ....... ib.
AVar between Great Britain and France 139
Madras captured and i-estored . ib.
Peace in Europe : war in India ib.
Schemes of Dupleix 14<)
Death of the Nizam : war for the succession ..... ib.
Chunda Sahib, the French Nawab : Muhammad Ali, the English
Nawab 141
French Nawab set up by Dupleix . ib.
English claimant at Trichinopoly ib.
CONTENTS. xvii
TAQS
Failure of the French claimants to capture Trichinopoly . . 141
Nazir Jung, the English Nizam 142
Triumph of the English Nizam and English Nawab . . . ib.
Revolution and transformation ib.
Murder of the English Nizam : triumph of the French Nizam . ib.
Triumph of the French Nawab 143
Glory of Dupleix ....... . . . ib.
French at Hyderabad under Bussy ib.
Salabat Jung, the French Nizam, cedes the Northern Circars to the
French ib.
English Nawab besieged at Pondicheny 144
Clive relieves Trichinopoly by the capture and defence of Arcot . ib.
Glory of Clive 145
English Nawab at Arcot : French Nizam at Hyderabad . . ib.
CHAPTER VI.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL.
A. D. 1640 TO 1750
Moghul obstru'ctiveness ....
Old hatred of the Portuguese
Mussulman complaints against the Portuguese
Revenge of Shah Jehan on Hughll, 1632
English at Piply, 1633 .
English trade duty free, 1640
English factory at Hughli
Saltpetre factory at Patna
Absence of records at Calcutta
War between the sons of Shah Jehan, 1656
Moghul wars for the succession
Invasion of Bengal by the King of Arakan
Ravages of the Eajas of Assam and Cooch B
Amir Jumla, Viceroy of Bengal, 1658 .
Shaista Khan, Viceroy, 1664 .
Punishment of the King of Arakan
Suppression of Portuguese pirates .
Complaints of the English
Commutation of duties ....
Tavernier's journey from Agra to Dacca and
Agra .......
Bengal Revenue . . . . " .
Rhinoceros ......
Aurungabad ......
Hughli, 1665-66
147
ib.
ib.
148
149
ib.
150
ib.
ib.
ib.
161
ib.
162
ib.
ib.
163
ib.
ib.
154
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
155
xvm
CONTENTS.
River Ganges
Allahabad
Crossing a I'iver
Benares
Patna .
Eajmahal
Parting from Bernier
Crocodiles
Dacca .
Visits the N"awab .
Hospitalities
Hughli
Ta vernier's grievances
Persecution of Hindus, 1680
Jezya demanded from Europeans
The English oppressed .
Mr. Job Channock
Ibrahim Khan, Nawab, 1689. Foundation of Calcutta
Loss of the saltpetre trade
Hindu rebellion in Bengal, 1696
Azim-u-shan, Viceroy, 1696 .
Fortification of Calcutta
English hold the rank of Zemindar
Objections over ruled
Murshed Kuli Khan, Nawab, 1707
Zemindars oppressed
Employment of new collectors
Remeasurement of lands
Subsistence allowances to Zemindars
Zemindars of Bhirbhum and Kishnagh
Submission of Tipperah, Cooch Behar, and Assam
Administration of justice
Despotic powers ....
Rajas refused seats
Zemindars prohibited palanquins .
Reasons for employing only Bengalis
Story of Raja Oudy Narain .
Zemindari of Rajeshahi
Daily audit of accounts
Torture of Zemindars .
Cruelties of the Deputy Dewan
Demands of Mui-shed Kuli Khan upon the English
The Govei'nor sets aside the privileges of the Engl
English embassy to Delhi, 1715
exempted
sh, 1713
CONTENTS.
XIX
Delhi unknown to tlie English at Calcutta
Records of the embassy preserved at Madras .
Farrukh Siyar made Emperor by the two Sayyids
Khan Dauran hostile to the two Saj'yids
Extracts from the Madras records .
Reception of the English embassy at Delhi
Embassy advised by Zoudi Khan .
Breach between the Emperor and the two Saj-yids
Husain sent to be Viceroy of the Dekhan
Daud Khan ordered to cut off Husain .
Expected ruptui-e ......
Return of the Emperor to Delhi
Sickness of Farrukh Siyar ....
Death of Daud Khan .....
Marriage of Farrukh Siyar to the daughter of the
English surgeon rewarded ....
Business of the embassy delayed by the marriage
Slow progress ......
Mutiny of the Moghul army at Delhi .
Arrest and massacre of the Sikhs at Delhi
Strange procrastination and forgetfulness of Khan
More delays .....
Fighting at the Moghul Court
Alarm of the Moghul .
Farewell audience ....
Troubles of the English doctor
Death of Hamilton : inscription on his tomb
Bloody quarrels at Delhi
Murder of the Emperor Farrukh Siyar
Captain Hamilton's account of the Engl
1720
Ruin of Piply by the removal to Hugli and Calcutta
Coxe's and Sagor Islands
Anchorage at Rogue's River .
Danish house ....
Calcutta, Juanpardoa, and Radnagur
Pon jelly
Tanna Fort
Govemapore .....
Settlement at Calcutta by Job Channock
Despotic power of Mr. Channock .
Story of Mr. Channock's native wife
Fort William and English houses .
Story of Sir Edward Littleton
Jodli
Daur
;h settlements
1690
pur Ri
aja
in Bengal,
FAGB
170
171
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
172
174
175
ib.
ib.
176
ib.
ib.
177
ib.
ib.
178
179
180
ib.
182
ih.
ib.
183
ib.
184
185
ib.
186
ib.
187
ib.
188
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib!
189
ib.
ib.
190
ib.
XX
CONTENTS.
pxsa
Mr. Weldon 190
Scandals about bribes
. 191
Divine Service .......
. ib.
Governor's house
. ib.
Hospital, garden, and fish-ponds ....
. ib.
Docks on the opposite bank . . . ...
192
Social life of the English in Bengal
ib.
English soldiers
. ib.
Transit duties levied by petty Kajas
193
Different religious ......
ib.
Injustice of the English Governors
ib.
Story of Captain Pen-in and Governor Sheldon
ib.
Hamilton's interference .....
194
Story of the Persian -wine .....
195
Territory and population of the Company's settlement
ib.
Barnagul
ib.
Danish colony .......
ib.
Danish and French Companies
196
Dutch factory at Chin sura .....
ib.
Hughli
ib.
Cossimbazar .
197
Murshedabad
ib.
Malda .
ib.
Patna .
ib.
Benares .
. > .
198
Dacca .
ib.
Chittagong .
199
Sundiva
ib.
A hundred pagans to one Mussulman
ib.
Lightness of Moghul taxation ....
200
Hamilton's imperfect information ....
ib.
Death of Murshed KuU Kban ....
ib.
Rise of Aliverdi Khan
ib.
Raja of the Chukwars
201
Independence of the old Eaja : submission of the j'oung
Raja
ib.
Treachery of Aliverdi Khan
ib.
Persian invasion under Nadir Shah, 1738-39
202
Afghan conquest of Persia ; rise of Nadir Shah
203
Causes of the Persian invasion of India .
ib.
Incapacity, corruption, and treachery
204
Massricre, outrage, and spoliation ....
205
Breaking up of the Moghul Empire
ib.
State of Bengal .......
206
The Seits or Hindu
bani
lers .....
ib.
CONTENTS.
XXI
Lawlessness of the Nawab
Conspiracy .....
Rebellion of Aliverdi Khan, 17J.1-42
Usurpation of Aliverdi Khan, 1742
Mahrattas invade Bengal, 1742-50
War between England and France, 1744
Peace between English and French in India,
1754
P4GH
207
ib.
ib.
208
ib.
ib.
209
CHAPTER VII.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE.
A. D. 1750 TO 1756.
state of Calcutta, 1750-56 .
Mahratta ditch ....
Population
Calcutta of 1752 and 1876 compared
European element at Calcutta
Trade at Calcutta ....
Social life
Native life, Hindu and Muhammadan
English supreme within the Company's bounds
Administration of justice amongst the English
Administration of justice amongst the Natives
Revenue of the English at Calcutta
Total revenue .......
General use of cowries
The Kotwal or head of police ....
Subordinate factories ......
Changes in the transaction of business : abolition of
like Omichund .... , .
Suraj-u-daula, Nawab, 1756 .....
Capture of the English factory at Cossimbazar
Capture of Calcutta ......
Holwell's narrative of the tragedy of the Black Hole
DifBculty in writing the narrative
Importance of Holwell's narrative
Tranquillity of mind on the voyage to England
State of the prisoners on the evening of the capture
Factory in flames .......
Bravery of Mr. Leech
Prisoners driven through the barracks into the Black Hole
Eight o'clock ....
The situation ....
contractors
212
ib.
213
ib.
214
215
216
217
218
ib.
219
220
222
223
ib.
224
ib.
225
226
ib.
227
ib.
228
ib.
ib.
229
230
ib.
231
ib.
j^xii CONTEXTS.
PAes
Despair -31
Necessity for tranquillity 232
Fearful prospect i^-
Bribing the Jemadar : the Nawab asleep ib.
Perspiration ........... 233
Expedients for relief ib.
Nine o'clock ib.
EfiBu^-ia 234
"NVater ib-
Sad results ib-
Ravings • 235
Diversion of the guards ......... ib.
Eleven o'clock . ib.
Eank and distinction forgotten ib.
Centre of the Black Hole 236
The platform . . ib.
Death of Mr. Eyre ib.
Insupportable thirst ......... ib.
Thirst increased by water 237
Strange refieshment ......... ib.
Delirium 238
Suffocation ........... ib.
Half-past eleven till two o'clock in the morning .... 239
Suicidal temptation . . . . . . . . . ib.
Mr. and Mrs. Carey ib.
Death of Mr. Carey 240
Stupor ib.
Loss of sensation .......... ib.
Interval of unconsciousness ........ ib.
Carried to the window ......... 241
Recovery of consciousness . ib.
Release ordered . . ib.
Restoration ib.
Slow opening of the door 242
Demands of the Nawab for hidden treasure ib.
Callous Nawab . ib.
Nawab inexorable . . . . • . • . . . ib.
Severe treatment 243
]?eason for the Nawab's cruelty ib.
Further sufferings ib-
Iron fetters 244
Embark for Murshedabad ib.
Sufferings on the voyage ib.
Poor diet a presen'ation ib.
CONTENTS. xxiii
PAGB
Application to the Dutcli at Cliinsura 245.
Ridiculous incident ......... ib.
Refractory Zemindar ......... ib
Attack on the Zemindar ib.
Holwell di-agged through the sun 246
Submission of the Zemindar ib,
Return march .......... ib.
Re-embarkation 247
Small mercies ib.
Humanity of Mr. Law, Chief of the French factory at Cossimbazar . ib.
Over-indulgence ib.
AiTival at Murshedabad 248
March through the city ib.
More sufferings ib.
Fever and gout . ib.
Humanity of the French and Dutch ...... ib.
Mention of Warren Hastings 249
Better news . ib.
Hope of release ib.
Conducted to the Nawab's palace ....... ib.
No audience .•••...... ib.
Disappointments .......... 250
Fears of the worst . . • ib.
Despair ...•••.-.,. ib.
Release ib.
Explanations . 251
Conclusion ..... ■••... ib.
Demolition of the Black Hole in 1818 ...... ib.
Appearance of the Black Hole in 1812 ...... ib.
List of the sufferers in the Black Hole 252
CHAPTER VIII.
FIRST GOVERNMENT OP CLIVE.
A. D. 1757 TO 1760.
Calcutta recovered, January 1757. Colonel Clive Governor
Attitude of the Nawab
Defeat of the Nawab by Clive, February 1757
Objections to peace
Lavish promises of the Nawab
Difficulties with the French at Chandemagore
Increase of French influence in the Dekhan uuder Bussy
254
ib.
255
ib.
256
ib.
ib.
XXIV
CONTENTS.
Capture of Chandernagore
The Nawab inclines towards the French .
Alarming proceedings of the Nawab
Difficulties of Clive ....
French and English in Bengal
Native conspiracy at Murshedabad .
Clive makes terms with the conspirators
Victory at Plassey, May 1757
Clive makes Meer Jaffier Nawab : presents and compensation
Joy and triumph at Calcutta .
Wealth of Clive . . ' .
Meer Jaffier drives the Hindus into rebellion
Nawab of Oude threatens Bengal . .
Clive averts the danger ....
Difficult position of Clive
Authority of the Nawab exercised by Clive
Mahrattas' and Moghuls' court : Clive .
Euin of the French interest in the Dekhan
The Shahzada threatens Bengal
Defeated by Clive
War with the Dutch ....
Meer Jaffier frightened ....
Clive returns to England, 1760
Policy of CUve : his letter to Pitt ,
Clive offered the post of Dewan by the Moghul Court : n
refusing .....
Previous scheme of Colonel Mill .
Clive's ideas of conquest
Pitt's objections .....
for
PAOB
257
ib.
258
ib.
259
ib.
260
ib.
ib.
261
ib.
262
ib.
ib.
263
ib.
264
ib.
265
ib.
266
ib.
267
ib.
268
ib.
270
ib.
CHAPTER IX.
CALCUTTA RECORDS : CHANGING NAWABS
A. D. 1760 TO
Critical state of Bengal
Governors Hohvell and Vansittart .
Bengjil threatened ...
Nawab Jaffier deposed . . c
Installation of Nawab Cossim
Invasion repelled ....
llecords of the Home Office at Calcutta
Designs of Meer Cossim
yhah Alam at Patna
1763
271
272
ib.
ib.
273
ib.
ib.
ib.
271
CONTENTS.
XXV
PAGB
Englisli propose conducting Shah Alam to Delhi .... 275
Afghan influences predominating at Delhi ib.
Extracts from Calcutta records ....... ib.
King Shah Alam returns towards Delhi ; fails to obtain the help of
the English
Designs of Nawab Cossim upon the King ....
Designs of the English upon the King .....
The English apply to Shah Alam for other sunnuds
Also for sunnuds for their Nawab at Arcot ....
Designs of Nawab Cossim against the Hindu grandees .
Non-interference with the Nawab's servants : question as regards
Ram Narain
Major Carnac and Colonel Coote wished to protect Kam Narain
Governor of Behar, against Meer Cossim ...
Regrets the dispute wit& Colonel Coote .....
Miscellaneous incidents
Troubles in Burma ...'....
I^istress amongst French families in Bengal . .
State of affairs with the Dutch
Remonstrance with the Dutch respecting the West Coast
Deputation of Mr. Warren Hastings to Nawab Meer Cossim
question of the twenty lakhs, 17(52
Disputes in the Calcutta Council ......
Charge of treachery against Ram Churn : suspected forgery .
Bequests of Omichund to the Magdalen House and Foundling
Hospital ..........
Despatches from the Court of Directors reviewing events
News of Shah Alam received via St. Helena ....
Circumstances under which the Directors would have helped Shah
Alam ..........
Remarks of the Directors on Bengal revolutions in general .
Colonel Calliaud charged with an attempt to assassinate the Shah
zada ib-
Punishment if guilty 287
Other Europeans, if implicated, to be punished in like manner ib.
Complaints of the heavy cost of revolution ib.
Tranquillity in Bengal most desirable 288
Revenue of fifty lakhs yearly under the treaty with Meer Cossim
most satisfactory ......... ib.
Real cause of the massacre of the English in Burma . . . 289
Highly dissatisfied with the disputes in the Calcutta Council . . ib.
Further despatches to the Court of Directors .... 290
Results of the mission of Warren Hastings to Meer Cossim . . ib.
Proposed alliance with the Raja of Munipur against the King of
Burma 291
ib.
277
ib.
278
ib.
279
ib-
281
ib.
ib.
ib.
282
ib.
ib.
283
ib.
284
ib.
285
ib.
ib.
286
^^y[ CONTENTS.
PAGE
Application of Shah Alam for help to recover Delhi . . . 291
Replj' to Shah Alam : Mr. Vansittart proposes seeing the King at
Monghyr 292
Mr. Vansittart will also conciliate Meer Cossini . . . . ib.-
Further enquiries about Earn Churn : implication of Nundcoomar
in the forgery .......... ib.
Dangerous character of Nundcoomar 293
Despatches from the Directors ib.
Highly gratified with the general tranquillity and prosperity . . ib.
An advance to Delhi would be most injudicious : the best policy is
isolation and neutrality ........ 294
Nawab Meer Cossim ought to have been better supported in claim-
ing the sunnuds for Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, from Shah Alam 295
Approve of the refusal of the Dewani offered by Shab Alam : in-
gratitude of the King ib.
Surprised at the unwarrantable demand of twenty lakhs from the
Nawab 296
Full apologies to be tendered to the Nawab in the name of the
Company ib.
Weak capacity of Mr. Vansittart ....... 297
CHAPTER X.
CALCUTTA RECORDS : PRIVATE TRADE,
A. D. 1763.
Bengal gomastas . • • 298
Private trade ib.
Extension of private trade inland ib.
English flag and dustuck 299
Native respect for the English ib.
Native agents or gomastas 300
Complaints against the gomastas ib.
Pretensions of Nawab Cossim 301
Recriminations between the English and the Nawab's officers re-
specting the inland trade ........ 302
Discussion in the Board : all the Directors summoned to Calcutta . 303
Meeting of the fidl Board at Calcutta 304
Consultations, 15th February : Majors Adams and Carnac summoned ib.
Measures for preventing disorders during the interval . . . ib.
Consultations, 19th February : translation ordered of all Firmans,
Husboolhookums, and Treaties ib.
Consultations, 22nd February: matter in dispute reduced to
questions . 305
Consultations, 1st March : majority agreed on the freedom from all
duties : cede the duty on salt to the Nawab . . . . ib.
CONTEXTS. XXvii
PAGK
Merits of the question submitted to the Directors .... 306
Consultations, 5th March : regulations for the mutual restraint of
English agents and the Nawab's servants ..... ib.
Mr. Vansittart's correspondence with the Nawab, 7th IMarch . . 307
Deputation of Messrs. Amyatt and Hay to the Nawab . . . ib.
Question of corresponding through the President or through the
whole Board 308
Abolition of all duties by the Nawab, 22nd March . . . . ib.
Consultations, 24th March : determination to remonstrate with the
Nawab 309
Consultations, 80th March : Nawab refuses to receive the deputation ib.
Consultations, 1st April : deputation sent to Monghj'r : Nawab
told that his refusal might bring on a rupture . . . . ib.
Consultations, 11th April : Nawab persistently refuses to receive
the deputation 310
Nawab asked for definite charges against Mr. Ellis . . . ib.
Court of Directors condemn the Calcutta Board . . . .311
The Nawab to be informed accordingly ...... ib.
Colonel CaUiaud honorably acquitted ...... 312
Disapproval of every measure taken against the Nawab . . . ib.
All the Nawab's gi'ievances to be redressed ib.
Impatient for further intelligence 313
Private trade the chief cause of all the misunderstandings with the
Nawab ib.
All inland trade to be abolished ....... ib.
Export and import trade alone to be duty free . . . . ib.
AU agents to be abolished. All trade to be carried on through the
Company's factories ......... 314
All persons acting contrary to orders to be dismissed the service . ib.
Nundcoomar to be kept under surveillance ..... ib.
Glad that no help was given to the Raja of Munipur . . . 315
Current errors .......... ib.
Treaties only hurried agreements ....... 316
Necessity for a dictator ......... ib.
Suspects the English ......... ib.
Reliance of the Hindu grandees 317
CHAPTER XL
CALCUTTA RECORDS : PATNA MASSACRE.
A. D. 1763.
English audacity 318
Ill-timed mission to Monghyr ib.
Imperious action of the English 319
XXVIU
CONTENTS.
Terrible results
Mr. Amjatt leaves Patna .
English factory at Patna
Diaries at Patna
Anniversary dinner of battle of Plassey
Contemplated attack on the town of Patna
Patna taken and lost
Flight of the English towards Oude
Surrender of the English to Meer Cossim
Diary of an English prisoner at Patna
News from Monghyr
Murder of Mr. Amyatt and Ensign Cooper
Nawab at Monghyr
Murder of Europeans .
Nawab marches from Monghyr to Patna
Horrible rumours ....
Diary of Mr. Fullerton, sole survivor
Massacre at Patna by Souiru
Excuses and threats of the Nawab
Flight of the Nawab
Escape of Dr. Fullerton
Euin of Meer Cossim .
Decisive battle of Buxar, 1764
Restoration of Meer Jaffier .
F;lGE
319
ib.
ib.
320
ib.
ib.
ib.
321
322
ib.
ib.
ib.
323
324
ib.
ib.
ib.
325
326
ib.
ib.
327
ib.
328
CHAPTER XIT.
SECOND GOVERIfllENT OF CLIYE.
A. D. 1765 TO 1767.
Plans of Lord Clive 329
Setting up an infant Nawab ........ ib.
Forestalled by Governor Spencer 330
A puppet Nawab and Native Mentor ...... ib.
Complaints of the new Nawab . ib.
Wrath of Lord Clive 331
Provisional measures ......... ib-
Treaty with the King and Nawab Vizier 332
Settlement of Oude ......... ib.
Conflicting policy of Spencer and Clive ib.
Objects of Clive 333
Restoration of Oude to the Nawab : proNision for the King . . ib*
CONTENTS.
XXIX
g's Dewan
the Company
The Dewani of Bengal, Behar, and Oiissa
Provision for the Nawab Nazim .....
Exposition of the policy by the Select Committee at Calcutta
Existing status ....
Necessity for accepting the Dewani
Prospective advantages .
Self-preservation ....
Approval of the Court of Directors
Sentiments .....
Danger of the crisis
Definition of the office and power of Kiu
Limitations of the authority exercised by
Death of the Nawab Nazim
Eeport of the Select Committee
Private trade ....
Mutiny of the Civil Servants
Outsiders from Madras
Opposition of Bengal Civilians
Determination of Clive .
Mutiny of the Bengal Military Ofiicers
Abolition of double batta
Triumph of Clive . . •
Lord Clive leaves India, 1767
Policy for the future
Authority of the Nawab of Bengal reduced to a shadow
Nawab to be retained to satisfy foreign nations
Revenue not to be increased; evil of a drain of silver
No ofiensive wars, except for the defence of Bengal, Allahabad, and
Oude
Political relations with Shuja-u-daula, the Nawab Vizier of Oude
Three powers alone worthy of attention : the Vizier, the King, and
the Mahrattas .......
Mahrattas divided into two states, Poona and Nagpur
Mahrattas of Nagpur, i. e., Berar, to be reconciled by a grant of
chout ....
Mahrattas of Poona, i. e., Western Dekhan, to be overawed by an
alliance with the Nazim
Objections of the Court of Directors ....
No security to be obtained by alliances with Native princes
The Nizam not to be supported as a balance of power against the
Mahrattas .......
Failure of the foreign policy of isolation .
Failure of the domestic policy of " double government "
Puppet sovereignties throughout India .
Clive's system perfect in theory ....
pAoa
333
334
335
ib.
ib.
336
337
ib.
338
ib.
ib.
ib.
339
ib.
340
ib,
341
ib.
342
ib.
ib.
ib.
343
ib.
ib.
ib.
344
34.5
ib.
346
ib.
347
ib.
348
ib.
ib.
ib.
349
ib.
351
XXX
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION.
A. D. 1767 TO 1770.
ity
Impossible in practice ......
Mr. Yerelst, Governor of Bengal : advanced policy
Character of Verelst
Eevolutions of a decade, 1757-67 .
Verelst's experiences of the mercantile period .
Sudden accession of the English to wealth and powe
Era of peace .......
Experimental political system of Lord Clive .
The puppet King at Allahabad
The pageant Nawab Nazim ....
Eelations between the Company and the Nizamut
Experience of Native administration
Plans of Verelst •
Evils of the Native administration
Ignorance of the English ....
Continued monopoly of inland trade
Helplessness of the Native administration
Verelst's memorandum .....
Rise of English power and decline of Native author
Character of the Bengalis ....
Weakness of the Native goverament
Mercantile training of the Company's servants
Sudden rise to political power
Conflicting authority of the English and the Nizamut
Interference forbidden
Evil results .......
General decay. Obligation of the English to the people
Appointment of English Supra-visors
Danger of interfering with the Nizamut
The middle way ......
Duties of Supra-visors training for higher posts
Abuses under the existing system .
English Members of Council to cease trading iu Ben
Permanent value of Verelst's observations
Causes of existing evils .....
Want of control ......
Supreme authority lodged iu the hands of one or a
Ignorance of the English ....
Host of Native dependents ....
Venality .
of Beniral
PAOX
351
352
ib.
353
ib.
ib.
354
ib.
355
ib.
356
ib.
357
ib.
358
ib.
ib.
359
ib.
360
ib.
ib.
361
ib.
362
ib.
ib.
363
ib.
ib.
364
ib.
365
ib.
366
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
367
CONTENTS.
XXXI
Collusions of collectors and zemindars .
Oppression of gomastas
Summing up of the case
Peremptory order against interference .
Sanction of Directors to Supra- visors
Necessity for interference
Secret corruption and oppression .
Necessity for promoting cultivation and nature of trade
Conflicting state of the three ceded districts
Administration extended to all of the provinces
Extent of the work ....
Imperfect knowledge ....
Eelations between the Supra-visors resident at Murshedabad
Native administration of justice
Leases to ryots .....
Other' reforms .....
Control of Kazis and Brahmins
Registration of sunnuds
Forfeit of caste .....
Oppressions of zemindars . ...
Drain of silver ; its causes
Non -return of specie ....
Vast exports of silver
Threatened ruin of Bengal
Rise in the value of rupees
Views of Verelst on foreign affairs .
Prostration of the Moghul Empire
Weakness of Native powers .
English victories .....
Discordancy of Native princes
English holding the balance in Hindustan
Character of situation of Native powers
The King Shah Alam ....
Anxiety of the King to go to Delhi
Necessity for retaining the King at Allahabad
Superior advantage of the King removing to Bengal
Shuja-u-daula, Nawab Vizier of Oude .
Proposed dethronement of the Nizam .
Grant of a blank firman to the English for the Subahdarship
Dekhan ......
Regrets of Verelst
Directors cancel the firman ....
Departure of Verelst .....
Possibility of an English empire over Hindustan
Failure of the scheme of Supra-visors .
of the
FAOiC
367
ib.
ib.
ib.
368
ib.
ib.
369
ib.
ib.
ib.
370
ib.
ib.
371
372
ib.
ib.
373
ib.
ib.
374
ib.
ib.
375
376
ib.
ib.
377
ib.
378
ib.
ib.
379
380
ib.
ib.
381
382
ib.
383
ib.
Ib.
384
EAELY RECORDS
OF
BRITISH I^N^DIA
CHAPTER I.
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
A. D. 1600 TO 1700.
THE three Ens^lish Presidencies of Madras, Cal- Eariy En-usu
^ ' settlements.
cutta, and Bombay Tvere founded in the seven-
teenth century, during the reigns of Charles the
Eirst, Oliver Cromwell, and Charles the Second.
The records of British India consequently begin in
the seventeenth century. Before describing their
subject matter, it may be as well to glance at the
existing state of India ; to present, as it were, an
outline picture of India in the seventeenth century.
India is an inverted triangle. Its northern boun- Division of
India : —
dary is formed by the Himalayas ; its western and San?"'
eastern sides are washed by the Indian Ocean and ^^""''"''*
the Bay of Bengal. It is divided into three belts or
zones, which may be described as Hindustan, the
Dekhan, and the Peninsula. Hindustan is in the
north ; the Dekhan in the middle ; the Peninsula in
the south. These three zones are separated from
ea h other by lines running east to west, or west to
2 EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
east, along two rivers, and reaching to the sea on
either side. The line of the Kerbudda river sepa-
rates Hindustan from the Dekhan ; the line of the
Kistna river separates the Dekhan from the Penin-
sula/
Hindus nnder In the Seventeenth century the people of India
Muhammadan
rule. practically consisted of Hindus and Mu ham ma dans.
The bulk were Hindus ; they were the subject race.
The Muhammadaus were comparatively few, but
they were the ruling power. They had begun to in-
vade India in the eleventh century. In the begin-
ning of the seventeenth century they had established
their dominion in Hindustan ; they had founded
kingdoms in the Dekhan ; they had not as yet con-
quered the Peninsula. The Hindus were still mas-
ters in the Peninsula.
Afehansand Thc Muhammadaus vfere not all of the same race.
Uoghalg.
They comprised Afghans and Moghuls; accordingly
there was a race antagonism' between the two.
-j— The Afghans were bigoted Muhammadaus ; they
were intolerant of Hindu idolatrv; thev had tried to
force the Koran upon the people of India by war
and persecution. In the sixteenth century tljeir
-f empire had been overturned by the Moghuls. The
Moghuls were lax and indifferent in matters of reli-
* Politically the boundary between Hindustan and the Dekhan is formed
by the Viudbya range of mountains. Geographically the line of the Ner-
budda river is preferable. It has the Vindhya mountains on its northern
bank, whilst its southern bank is formed by the Satpura range.
^ Besides the Afghan element there was a Turkish element. There is no
necessity in the present work to indicate any distinctive marks between Turks
and Afghans, or between Turks and Moghuls,
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUHY. 3
giou ; they called themselves Muhammadans, but \-
many were Muhammadans only in name.
The Mosrhul emph'e in India had been the sfrowth Mo-hui empire
^ I o in India.
of the sixteenth century. Baber and Humayun
were the early Moghul conquerors. Their reigns
are of no moment. The real founder of the Moghul
empire was the celebrated Akbar. This semi-en-
lightened barbarian introduced a policy under which
the discordant elements of Moghul, Afghan, and
Hindu were quieted down, and the whole were
moulded into one empire.
The reign of Akbar has been re swarded as a Akbar. ^^
. . 1556-1605. \
golden era m the history of India. He was a
true Moghul, a descendant of Timur and Chenghiz
Khan. He had the instincts of a warrior and a
king. He established his empire over Hindustan,
the Punjab, and Cabul ; but he is best known by
his policy. He abandoned the religious bigotry
which had hitherto characterised Muhammadan
rule in India. He was tolerant in religious matters,
like the ancient Romans. At the same time he
sought to be honoured as a deity, like the Roman ^1
emperors. This system of toleration was adopted
by his son and grandson. During all three reigns
it was the mainstay of the empire. It will be seen
hereafter that it was abandoned by his great-grand-
son Aurungzeb for a policy of intolerance. The
bigotry of Aurungzeb brought about the decline
of Moghul rule.
The policy of Akbar and his immediate success- pouoy of Akbar.
ors has rarely been understood. It was that of
4 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Chengliiz Khan, tlie llogliul hero of the thirteenth
century. According to the old laws of Chenghiz
Khan, every religion was to he tolerated that ac-
knowledged the worship of one God. AckhaFactec
on this policy. At the same time he was imhued
with all the curiosity of a Moghul. He had a keen
relish for religious discussion. He studied Brah-
manism, Parsi worship, and Christianity. He hroke
up the authority of the Ulama, the collective hody
of Muhammadan lawyers and doctors, who often
controlled the sovereign hy appeals to the Koran.
He threw off all the trammels of the Koran.
He left men to follow their own religion, hut
wished them to pay him divine honours as a re-
presentative of deity. It is evident that he was a
had Muhammadan. But the result of his policy
was that the Moghul empire was not endangered
hy religious antagonism. During the reigns of
Akhar and his immediate successors, men of every
religion dwelt in peace under Moghul rule. To all
outward appearance the empire of the Moghul in
India was as permanent as that of any European
power.
r.irtiaiity for Akhar carrlcd his policv to an extreme. He
liiimii.s and ■•■ *'
made friends with Hindu princes ; he appointed
them to high commands ; he took their daughters
to be his wives. He entertained European gunners
and artisans. These instincts have been common to
Moghul princes from a very early period. Marco
Polo tells of similar doings in the court of Kuhlai
Khan ; similar proclivities have long been at work
Europeans.
>
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 5
in the present day at the court of the King of
Burma.
But notwithstandinfij these outward sii^ns of inherent
"-" '-' weakneas of
intelligence, the Moghul empire in India was poll- ^loghuiruic.
tically weak. It was held together, not by common
loyalty, but by mutual fear. There was much
display of outward show and form ; but there was
no real strength in the body politic. It was
always exposed to rebellions from within and in-
vasions from without. These conditions are to be
found in all Moghul empires. They are not dis-
tracted by religious antagonisms ; but they are
only held together by a system of intrigue and
terrorism. They lack those bonds of patriotism -
and public spirit which alone secure the permanence
of empires, whether Asiatic or European. The
empu'es of Chenghiz Khan and Timur were of this
type ; so is the existing Moghul rule in Upper
Burma ; and so was the Moghul empire in India.
Such empires may dazzle the world for a few
generations; they generally perish in wars and
revolutions. They leave nothing behind that
can be called history. Family chronicles and court
memoirs have been written to order by court scribes
and parasites for the glorification of monarchs and
their ancestors ; but to this day our only reliable
knowledge of the religion and civilisation of the
Moghuls is to be derived from the testimony of
contemporary European residents or travellers.
The Moghul dominion in India was an absolute Moghui des-
" potisni,
and irresponsible despotism. The will of the sovc-
6
EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Land tenures.
Renter and
haBbaudinan.
reign or Padishah^ was law, and above all law. In
theory, he was master of the life and property of
every one of his subjects. He could imprison, flog,
torture, mutilate, confiscate, or execute at will.
There was no independent force to over-ride his
whim ; nothing but fear of rebellion or assassina-
tion. There were public Durbars, but no one ven-
tured to dispute the will of the sovereign. There
was no hereditary nobility, except amongst the
Hindus. There was no public opinion worthy of
the name ; the voice of the people was rarely raised
except in flattery of the Padishah. As far as the
Moghul grandees were concerned, the Padishah was
the sole proprietor of the soil, the sole inheritor of
wealth, the sole fountain of honour. Hereditary
rights were only possessed by Hindus, or by the
lower classes. When the empire was at its zenith,
all rights were often outraged or ignored; when
the empire began to decline, rights began to har-
den into institutions.
The following remarks of Robert Orme, the con-
temporary historian of British India, furnish sucli
an exact insight into the tenure of land, and nature
of property generally, under Moghul rule, that they
are extracted at length : —
" We see in ttose parts of Hindustan, which are frequented
by European nations, the customs or laws which regard lauds
1 The Moghul sovereign was known to Europeans as the King, the Em-
peror, or the Great Moghul. In India he was universally known as the Padishah.
Abul Fazl gives the following meaning to the terra Padishah : "'Pad,' "he
says, " signifies stability and possession ; ' Shah ' means ' origin or lord." See
preface to the Ain-i-Akbari, translated by Professor Blochmann, of Calcutta,
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 7
subject to contradictions, not easily reconcileaLle. The hus-
bandman who possesses a few fields has the power of selling
and bequeathiug- them, at the same time that the district in
which these fields are included is annually let out by the
Government to a renter who pays a certain sum o£ money to
the lord of the country, and receives from the cultivator a
certain part of his harvests. The renter sometimes quarrels
with the husbandman, and displaces him from his possessions.
Clamours as against the highest degree of injustice ensue.
The prince interferes and generally redresses the poor man,
who has so much need of support in such a cause of misery ;
and if he fails to give this proof of his inclination to justice,
he is held in execration, and deemed capable of any iniquity.
" In all the countries absolutely subjected, the Great Proprietory
11 1 1 1 1 • right of the
Moghul styles himself proprietor of all the lands, and gives Sovereign,
portions of them at will as revenues for life to his feudatories;
but still these grants take not away from the cultivator the
right of sale and bequest. The policy of all the Indian gov-
ernments in Hindustan, as well as that of the Great Moghul,
seems to consist more in a perpetual attention to prevent any
one family from obtaining great possessions, than in the in-
tention of multiplying oppressions upon the body of the peo-
ple ; for such slavery would soon leave the monarch little
grandeur to boast of, and few subjects to command. As all
acquisitions of land are subject to the inspection of the gov-
ernment, the man who should attempt to make himself pro-
prietor of a large estate in land would be refused the certi-
ficates necessary to put him in possession, and would be
marked as a victim necessary to be sacrified to the policy of
the State. From what we see in the histories of this and
other Eastern countries, the violences committed among the
great lead us to think that the man of more humble condi-
tion is subject to still greater violences, when, on the contrary,
this humility is the best of protections.
" The feudatory, by the acceptance of a certain title and Eights of in-
., . I'l ••i.i 11 j.i/--ij_ heritance refused
the pension which accompanies it, acknowledges the Great to office-holders.
Moghul his heir. No man, from the Vizier downwards, has
8 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
any tiTist of importance reposed in him but on these terms ;
and on his decease, the whole of his property that can be
found is seized for the use of the Emperor, who gives back to
the family what portion he pleases. The estates of all who
are not feudatories descend to the natural heirs."
Life in public. The Mogliul Padislialis of Hindustan spent half
tlieir time in public ; tliis "was tlie one popular
element in tlieir rule. ' They received petitions and
administered justice in public. They gave audi-
ences in open Durbars. They publicly inspected
horses, elephants, troops, arms, accoutrements,
jewels, decorations, furniture, cattle and animals
of all kinds, goods and chattels of every descrip-
tion. They delighted in hunting expeditions, after
the old Moghul fashion which has prevailed since
the days of Nimrod. They delighted in public
fights between animals and gladiators, after the
manner of the later Eoman emperors. Akbar took
great pains in the administration of justice ; he was
anxious for the welfare of the people. Keither his
son Jchangir, nor liis grandson Shah Jehan, cared
anything for the people. They were greedy only
of flattery and riches. They lavished enormous
sums on harem establishments, jewels, palaces,
mausoleums, and tented pavilions. Meanwhile they
often hoarded up vast sums in the palace vaults of
Delhi and Agra.
The Moghul empire was divided into some twenty
or thirty provinces. The governors of provinces
collected revenue, administered justice, and kept the
country under militarv comniAud. The j]rovcrnor
r.ovcmmcnt in
the provinces.
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 9
of a province was known as the Nawab or Su-
balidar. All appointments were supposed to be
made direct by the Padishah ; none were valid until
they had been confirmed by the royal letters and in-
signia of investiture. It is scarcely worth while to
map out the provinces. Their limits were sometimes
chano:ed at the will of the Padishah. Sometimes
three or four were placed under a prince of the
blood as viceroy. All, or nearly all, comprehended
large tracts under Hindu Eajas. Sometimes the
Moghuls invaded the territories of the Hindu Eajas.
But many Hindu princes maintained their inde-
pendence down to the last days of the empire.
The revenue system of the Moghuls was a series Revenue system.
of struggles and compromises. In theory there was
order and regularity ; in practice there was disorder
and uncertainty. The cultivators were known as
Hyots ; the middle man, who farmed or rented the
land, was known as the Zemindar. Prom the Hyot
to the Nawab or Subahdar there was a constant con-
flict of interests. The Hyots were often treated as
serfs. The Ryot sought to appropriate the harvest
without the knowledge of the Zemindar. The Ze-
mindar's servants mounted guard over the Uyot and
hoodwinked the Governor. The Governor played the
same game in turn. The Padishah secured his own
share of the revenue by appointing a Dewan to
every province. The Dewan was supposed to keep the
accounts ; to remit the royal share to the imperial
treasury. The Dewan was independent of the Su-
bahdar ; so far he was a clicck upon the Subahdar.
10
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Generally, tlie Dewan was in collusion with the
Subahdar. At spasmodic intervals he aspired after
promotion, or reward, by a display of extraordinary
zeal in behalf of the Padishah.
Presents. Prcscnts wcrc as much an institution as the land
revenue. No man appeared without a present be-
fore a revenue collector, a magistrate, or a local
governor. Ryots made their presents to the Zemin-
dar, and bribed his servants. Zemindars made their
presents to the local Governor, and bribed his
servants. Local Governors propitiated the Subah-
dar in like manner. On family occasions, such as
the birth of a Subahd'ar's son, or the marriage of
a son or daughter, extra presents were expected and
demanded. All petitions were accompanied by pre-
sents. The gifts sent to court were enormous.
Jewels and gold mohurs in sufficient abundance
would purchase immunity from the grossest oppres-
sions and the vilest crimes.^
Moghui court. The Moghul court was nomadic. Its movements
might be compared with the " royal progresses " of
old English kings ; they bore a closer resemblance
to the migrations of the old Moghul Khans between
summer and winter quarters. The Moghul Padi-
shahs wandered to and fro over the conquered pro-
vinces of India in the same fashion that Chenghiz
Khan and Timur wandered over the vast tracts
' Under British rule, return presents are generally given of equal value.
Under Moghul rule, the most valuable jewels were often presented to the
Padishah, whilst a piece of muslin, or an embroidered handkerchief, or a
paltry medal, were given in return. Foreign ambassadors were treated differ-
ently, according to circumstances.
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. H
between China and Europe. Their encampments
resembled great cities; they included streets of tents
and pavilions ; shops, bazars, fortifications, enclo-
sures, and gateways of painted canvas. Sometimes
the court left the camp, and was fixed for a while
at Agra, Delhi, Lahore, or Ajmir ; when the hot
season began, it generally moved away to the cool
mountains of Kashmir. The courts of Subahdars
and Nawabs were all of the same type. They
moved about their respective provinces in much the
same fashion.
The Moghul empire was always exposed to rebel- RebeUions.
lion. Hindu Rajas rebelled against the Subahdar.
Refractory Subahdars rebelled against the Padi-
shah. The migrations of the court may have
tended to preserve the peace of the provinces. At
intervals the empire was convulsed by a war for
the succession. The Padishah always had four sons
and no more. This Moghul institution dates back
to Chenghiz Khan. Other sons might be born ; as a
rule, only four were recognised. If one of the four
died, another was taken to fill his room. The eldest
was heir-apparent; he resided at court with his father.
The three others were sent out to rule remote pro-
vinces as viceroys. When the Padishah died, or
was about to die, the four brothers marched armies
asainst each other ; India was delusred with blood.
When a prince had destroyed his three brothers, he
ascended the throne and massacred all the males of
the blood royal, excepting his own sons. After this
India was tranquil.
12
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Jehanpir,
1605-1627.
Shah .Iphan,
1628-lGW.
AuruDf»7,ch,
1058 to 1707.
Jeliangir, son of Akbar, was an inferior man to
his fatlier. He is better known than any other
of the Moghul Padishahs. Sir Thomas Hoe was
sent by James the First on a mission to Jehangir.
The object was to procure the protection of the Pa-
dishah for an English factory at Surat. Roe saw
a great deal of Jehangir. He describes him as a
drunken sovereign, infatuated with a vindictive
woman named Nurmahal. His reign was much
disturbed by rebellions.
Shah Jelian, son of Jehangir, was selfish and
sensual. His dominion extended over the same
provinces as that of Akbar ; it included Kabul, the
Punjab, and Hindustan ; it also extended over the
Northern Dekhan.* His vices were a scandal to
Asia. His court was utterly corrupt and depraved.
There was a lax indifference to religion, morality,
or public decency. The sons of Shah Jelian, with
one exception, were men of the same stamp. The
third son was the exception ; his name was Au-
rungzeb.
Aurungzeb had little chance of the throne. He
had two brothers older than himself; both were
popular with Moghuls and Eajputs. Ambition
fired his brain ; it stimulated his genius ; it im-
' Mogliul dominion had been gradually encroaching upon the Dckhan
ever since the reign nf Akhar. In the reign of Shah Jehan, the conquci'ed
provinces in the Dckhan were formed into a viceroyalty, which was known as
the " Dekhan." The Mussulman kingdoms of the Southern Dekhan were
still unconquered. They were known as Bijapur and Golkonda. They
extended southward to the River Kistna, or Krishna. India south of the
Kiver Krishna was distributed amongst a number of petty Hindu principali-
ties, the relics of the old Hindu empire of Vijaynnagar.
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 13
pelled liim to form a policy. He abandoned the
toleration of Akbar. He affected to be a strict
Mubammadan. He curried favour with Mubam-
madans. He sougbt the support of all zealous
Mubammadans tbrougbout India, He made bis
religion a stepping-stone to the tbrone.
Tbe early Padisbabs were lusty men, sensual Bi-otry and
and jovial. Aurungzeb was lean and spare. His
eyes were sunk in bis bead ; tbey were bright and
piercing. He abstained from wine and flesh meat ;
be lived chiefly on rice and vegetables. He was
always talking of tbe Koran. He was ostentatious
in the performance of bis religious duties. He was
never a sincere zealot. His religion never inter-
fered with his pleasures or policy. He bad a weak
digestion ; his abstinence from wine and meat was
therefore a necessity. He was heterodox in his
marria£:es. His favourite wife was a Christian
from Georgia. Another favourite was a Eajput
lady. He flattered Rajput Rajas to win them to
his cause. He flattered Sivaji, the Mahratta leader
in tbe Western Dekhan. Sivaji might help him
in the coming struggle for the throne. Sivaji
might give him a refuge in the event of defeat
and disaster. He ceded territory to Sivaji; he
made a treaty of friendship with the Mahratta.
The war between the four brothers began whilst war between the
lour priucus.
Shah Jehan was still alive. In the end Aurungzeb
obtained the mastery. His brothers were slaugh-
tered or poisoned with all their male descendants.
His father Shah Jehan was deposed and imprisoned
14
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Beigrn of
AuruDgzeb.
Eise of the
Mahrattas.
in the palace at Agra. Aurungzeb ascended the
throne at Delhi. He began his reign with caution.
He disguised his hatred of Hindus. He trimmed
between Muhammadans and Ptajputs. Occasion-
ally he sent armies against the Mahrattas ; but many-
years passed away before he waged war against
Hinduism and Hindus.
The reign of Aurungzeb lasted from 1658 to
1707. It covered half a century, — the interval
between the death of Oliver Cromwell and the
opening years of Queen Anne. The great cha-
racteristic of the reign was the restoration of the
Koran as the supreme law throughout Hindustan.
Apart from this revival of Islam, there are three
prominent events in his reign, namely : the rise
and growth of the Mahratta power ; the persecut-
ing wars against the Hindus ; the development
of three English factories into presidency towns.
Aurungzeb became alarmed at the growing power
of Sivaji and the Mahrattas. Sivaji was becoming
a thorn in the side of the Moghul empire. He was
thirty years of age when Aurungzeb became
Padishah. He had been brought up amongst the
precipices and defiles of the "Western Ghats. His
head-quarters were at Poona. He had numerous
fortresses on the mountains. He had founded a
kingdom on a basis of plunder. Every year during
tlie dry season his Mahratta horsemen scoured the
plains in search of booty. When the rains began
they carried off the spoil to their mountain for-
tresses. Sivaji established a vSystem of black mail ;
Mahratta.
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 15
it consisted of one-fourth of the revenue ; it was
known as chout. Whenever the inhabitants paid
the chout, their district or village was spared.
Whenever they withheld the chout, they were
plundered every year until they yielded to the
demand.
Sivaji was unscrupulous and perfidious. In his siv^v
early years he inveigled a Muhammadan general
into a private interview ; he slaughtered him with a
secret weapon ringed to his fingers, known as
" tisrers' claws. " When Auruni^zeh came to the
throne, he broke his treaty with Sivaji ; he took
back the territory he had ceded to Sivaji. In
revenge, Sivaji plundered Surat. He tried to
plunder the English factory at Surat, but the Eng-
lish beat him off.
Aurungzeb regarded Sivaji with contempt. He war against
referred to Sivaji as " the mountain rat." He sent
his uncle Shaista Khan to subdue '' the mountain
rat," Shaista Khan captured Poena, and Sivaji
retired to his hill fortresses. One night, whilst
Shaista Khan was asleep at Poona, his house Was
attacked by Mahrattas. His eldest son was slaugh-
tered on the spot. He himself escaped through a
window with the loss of a finger. Amidst the
panic, Sivaji and his Mahrattas went out of the
city. They were seen in the distance ascending a
hill fortress amidst the glare of torches.
Aurungzeb next set a trap for " the mountain sivaji at Deiw,
rat." Sivaji was invited to Delhi under pre-
tence of being appointed viceroy of the Moghul
16
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Anrnns-zeb
takes the field
conquests in the Deklian. He went to Delhi ; he
found himself deceived, insulted, and a prisoner.
He was in danger of assassination, but escaped
out of the city in an empty hamper. He was
fortunate enough to reach Poona in safety.
Death of sivaji. It Is nccdlcss to dwcll ou thc wars of Aurungzeb
1680.
against the Mahrattas. It will suffice to say that
Sivaji escaped from, every toil and danger ; he
founded a kingdom and a dynasty. He died about
1680.
When Sivaji was dead, Aurungzeb took the field.
Possibly he had been afraid of Sivaji; afraid that
Sivaji would circumvent him or assassinate him.
Henceforth, and until his last illness twenty-seven
years afterwards, Aurungzeb remained in camp.
Throughout this period he was constantly warring
a2rainst the Hindus. He besran the war in the vain
hope that he could dethrone the Hindu gods and
establish the Koran from sea to sea.
The fire of persecution began with the destruc-
tion of pagodas in Hindustan. A large pagoda was
burnt down near Delhi. Orders were issued to the
governors of provinces to destroy all heathen temples
throughout the empire. Idols were cast down;
temples were converted into mosques. Hindu peni-
tents, known as Yogis and Saniasis, were driven
out of Hindustan. All the great officers of the
Crown, who refused to become Muhammadans, were
deprived of their posts. The celebration of Hindu
festivals w^as prohibited. Worst of all, the hate-
ful poll-tax, known as the Jezya, was levied on all
PcrBCCutinf?
wars against
Hindus.
INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 17
who refused to embrace Islam. This tax pressed
heavily upon the Hindus. Merchants paid a yearly
Jezya of thirteen rupees and a half per head ; artizans
paid six rupees and a quarter ; the poorer classes
paid three rupees and a half. It is difficult to con-
ceive how such a tax could have been levied with-
out a rebellion.
There was dansrer in Raiputana. Aurunsrzeb wm-s in
moved all the forces of the empire against Raj-
putana. Jaipur consented to pay the Jezya. Marwar
refused at first, but afterwards came to a compro-
mise ; the tax was redeemed by the cession of ter-
ritory. The Kana of Udaipur resolutely set his
face against the demand. Most of his territory
was walled in by mountains. He abandcmed
all the country outside the mountains. The whole
nation was in arms ; strong guards were posted in
every gorge and defile. Aurungzeb was baffled.
At one time he was lost in a labyrintli of defiles.
His favourite wife was taken prisoner. His force
was nearly starved out. At last he retired to
Ajmir. The remainder of his reign is devoid of
all interest. It was wasted in wars with Eajputs,
Mahrattas, and Afghans. He died in 1707.^
Having thus reviewed the condition of the Moghul
empire during the seventeenth century, it may be
advisable to glance at the early history of the Eng-
lish settlements in India during the same period.
* Elliot's History, Vol. VII. Cutvon's Mogliuls.
B
Karly settlement
ut Surat.
CHAPTER II.
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY.
1600—1700.
ryiHE early history of the English in India is a
-^ tedious detail of voyages, personal adventures,
fights with the Portuguese, or quarrels with the
Moghul Governor of Surat. In the first instance the
English effected a lodgment at Surat. This town is
seated on the western coast of India, the side nearest
to Europe. The port of Surat had been famous
from a remote antiquity. It was situated about
a hundred and eighty miles to the north of Bombay.
It was the first place in India where the English
and Dutch established a trade.
Hostility of the The Portuoruese had already been a century in
India. The Pope had given them the sovereignty
of the East. They denied the right of the English
to come there at all. They hated the English as
heretics. They told the Moghul Governor of Surat
that the English were pirates. The details of such
squabbles have lost all their interest. It will suffice
to say that between the years 1610 and 1620 both
English and Dutch were permitted to establish
factories at Surat.
pompof tbe The trade with India must have been most pro-
fitable. In 1623, the English and Dutch Presidents
were living in state in large houses like palaces;
the senior merchants were furnished with chambers
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 1Q
in the same mansion. Whenever the President
went abroad, a banner was carried before him, and
he was followed by merchants on horseback, as well
as by native attendants armed with swords, buck-
lers, and bows and arrows/
In 1638 a younsr gentleman of Holstein paid a visitor
J ^ O 1 Mandclslo.
visit to Surat. His name was Albert de Mandelslo."
He has left a curious account of his visit ; it fur-
nishes a graphic picture of the English factory : —
'' Within a leao-ue of the Road we entered into the river Surat Custom
. . House.
upon which Surat is seated, and which hath on both sides
a very fertile soil, and many fair g-ardens, with pleasant
country-houses, which being all white, a colour it seems the
Indians are much in love with, afford a noble prospect amidst
the greenness whereby they are encompassed. But this river,
which is the Tapte, called by others Tynde, is so shallow at
the mouth of it, that barks of 70 or 80 ton can hardly come
into it. We came ashore near the Sulthan's Palace,^ and
went immediately to the Custom-house to have our things
searched by the officers there : which is done with such ex-
actness in this place, that they think it not enough to open
chests and portmantles, but examine people^s clothes and
pockets. The Sulthan or Governour, nay the Customers*
themselves, oblige merchants and passengers to part with, at
the price they shall think fit to put upon them, those goods and
commodities which they had brought for their own private use.
Accordingly the Sulthan himself, who cameto the Custom-house
as soon as we were got thither, having found among my things
a bracelet of yellow amber, and a diamond, would needs buy
them both of me : whereto when I made him answer, that I
1 Travels of Pietro della Valle in 1623 and 1624. Loudon : 1665.
'^ Travels of J. Albert de Maudelslo in 1638 and 1639. London : 1669.
3 The local Governor of Surat was called Sultan out of courtesy.
* The Custom House Officers are always termed Customers by old
travellers. After the English established themselves iu ludia and levied
duties, the Collector was always known as the Customer.
20 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
was no merchant, and that I valued those things only for their
sakes who had bestowed them on me. He was pleased to re-
turn me the diamond, but detained the bracelet, telling me I
should have it again when I honoured him with a visit.
Eutertainmciit " "U^hile WB Were in this contestation, came to the place
at the English . . ^ '■
house. an Indian coach, drawn by two white oxen, which the
English President had sent to bring me to their house ; so
that leaving the Sulthan with the bracelet, I went into it.
At the entrance of the house I met the President, with his
Second, that is to say, he who commands under him, and in
his absence, whose name was Mr. Fremling, who received me
with extraordinary kindness, and very civilly answered the
compliment I made them, upon the freedom I took to make
my advantage thereof. The President, who spoke Dutch very
well, told me I was very welcome ; that in the country
where we then were, all Christians were obliged to assist one
another, and that he was the more particularly obliged there-
to as to what concerned me, in respect of the affection I
would have expressed towards some of his nation at Ispahan.
He thereupon brought me to his chamber, where there was
a collation ready. It consisted of fruits and pi'eserves,
according to the custom of the country. As soon as we
were set, he asked me what my design was, and understand-
ing that I intended to return for Germany within twelve
months, he told me I w^as come too late to get away that
year, by reason no more ships would come that way, but
that if 1 would stay with him five or six months, till there
were a convenience of passage, he would take it kindly : that
durinu that time be would contribute all he could to my
divertisement : that he would find out a means how I might
see the most eminent places in the country — nay, that he
would send some of his own nation along with me, who
should find me those accommodations I could not otherwise
hope for. This obliging discourse soon prevailed with me
to accept of these proffers, so that he shewed me all the
house that I might make choice of a convenient lodging,
which I took near his Sect^nd's chamber. In the evening,
Some merchants and others belonging to the President, came
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 21
aud broug-Iit me from my chamber to supper into a great
hall, where was the Minister with about a dozen merchants,
who kept me company, but the President and his Second
supped not, as being accustomed to that manner of life, out
of a fear of overcharging their stomachs, digestion being
slowly performed, by reason of the great heats which are as
troublesome there in the night time as in the day. After
supper the Minister carried me into a great open gallery,
where I found the President and his Second taking the
coolness of the sea-air. This was the place of our ordinary
rendezvous, where we met every night ; to wit, the President,
his Second, the principal merchant, the Minister and my-
self; but the other merchants came not but when they were
invited by the President. At dinner he kept a great table
of about fifteen or sixteen dishes of meat, besides the desert.
" The respect and deference which the other merchants order of the
^ Euglish Factory,
have for the President was very remarkable, as also the
order which was there observed in all things, especially at
Divine Service, which was said twice a day, in the morning
at six, and at eight at night, and on Sundays thrice. No
person in the house but had his particular function, and
their certain hours assigned them as well for work as recrea-
tion. Our divertisement was thus ordei-ed. On Fridayes after
Prayers, there was a particular assembly, at which met with
us three other merchants, who were of kin to the President,
and had left as well as he their wives in England, which day
being that of their departure from England, they had ap-
pointed it for to make a commemoration thereof, and drink
their wives' healths. Some made their advantage of this
meeting to get more than they could well carry away, though
every man was at liberty to drink what he pleased, and to
mix the Sack as he thought fit, or to drink Palepuniz, which
is a kind of drink consisting of aqita vitfe, rose-water, juice
of citrons and sugar.'
1 It is a curious fact, not generally known, that punch was an Indian
drink invented by the convivial Factors at Surat. It was called punch from
the Hindustani word signifying five ingredients, viz., brandy, sugar, limes,
spice, and water.
22 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Tea, " At our Ordinary meetings every day, we took only T/te,
which is commonly used all over the Indies^ not only among
those of the country, but also among- the Dutch and English,
who take it as a drug that cleanses the stomach, and digests
the superfluous humours, by a temperate heat particular
thereto. The Persians instead of T/ie drink their Kahwa,
which cools and abates the natural heat which The preserves.*
Eugiish fiarden. '' The English have a fair Garden without the city, whither
we constantly went on Suudayes after Sermon, and sometimes
also on other dayes of the week, where our exercise was
shooting at Butts, at which I made a shift to get a hundred
Mamoudis (or five pound sterling) every week. After these
divertisements, we had a collation of fruit and preserves,
and bathed our selves in a tauke or cistern which had five
foot water. Some Dutch gentlewomen served and enter-
tained us with much civility. What troubled me most was,
that my little acquaintance with the English tougue made
me incapable of conversation, unless it were with the
President, who spoke Dutch.
Ainnscmeuts at "During my abode at Surat I wanted for no divertise-
ment ; for either I walked down to the Haven, or found com-
pany in the city, especially at the Dutch President's, who had
his family there, and with whom it was the easier for me
to make acquaintance, in as much as I could converse with
them in my own language. But understanding that the
English ships, with which I intended to return into Europe,
would not be ready for their departure under three or four
Ahmadabad moutlis, I rcsolvcd to take a journey into the country, to the
' This is a curious allusion to tea aud coffee. In China tea is called Cha ;
so it is in India. Olearius, in his travels through Muscovy, Tartary, and
Persia, makes the following remarks : —
" The Persians are great frequenters of the taverns or tipliiig houses,
which they call Tazri Chattai Chane, in regard there they may have The, or
Cha, which the Ushegucs Tartars bring thither from Chattai. It is an herb
which hath long and narrow leaves, about an inch in length and half an inch
in breadth. In order to the keeping and transportations of it, they dry it
so that it turns to a dark grey colour, inclining to black, and so shrivelled up,
that it seems not to be what it really is ; but as soon as it is put into warm
water, it spreads and rc-a'=sunies its former preen colour."
ENGLISH AT SURA.T AND BOMBAY. 23
Grcit Mog-ul^s Court, taking" my advantag-e of a Caffila, or
Caiavan, of thirty wagons loaden with quicksilver, roeuas,
whch is a root that dies red, spices, and a considerable sum
of noney, which the English were sending to Ahmadabad.
Th( President had a2:>pointed four merchants, certain Banians,
twJve English soldiei's, and as many Indians, to conduct
an( convoy this small Caravan ; so that confident I might
umertake this journey without any danger, (which it had
no been safe for me to attempt without this convenience, by
re;son of the Rajputs, and their robberies upon the high-
w.y,) I took the President's advice, and put my self into
thir company.
■' These Rajputs are a sort of high-way men, or tories, Rajput outlaws,
wio keep in the mountains 1 jet ween Baroda and Baroche,
wiich are called Champenir, where they have their fortified
p\ees and retreats, wherein they sometimes make their party
god against the Mogul himself. Not long before he had
tiien one of their strongest places, and by that means
kpt them a long time in subjection ; but they revolted again,
fid exercised their robberies with greater cruelty then ever."
The journey of Mandelslo from Surat to Ahmad- Ahmsdabad.
tbad is too long for extract. At Ahmadabad he
paid a visit to the Moghul Governor. His account
of this visit is very graphic. Areb Khan, the
Governor, was a type of the Governors of provinces
in the reigns of Jehangir and Shah Jehan.
" The city of i^hmadabad maintains for the MoguPs service, Amadabad
out of its own revenue, twelve thousand horse and fifty la^ooo'horse.
elephants, under the command of a Khan, or Governor, who weaitir^'^""'^*
hath the quality of Raja, that is to say. Prince. He who
commanded there in my time, was called Areb Khan, and
about sixty years of age. I was credibly informed, that
he was worth in money and houshold-stuffe, ten Crore, which
amount to fifty millions of crowns, the Crore being accounted
at a hundred Lacs of Rupees, each Lac being worth fifty
thousand crowns. It was not long before, that his daughter,
24
EARLY KECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
His Court.
His expcDce.
one of the greatest beauties iu the country, had been married
to the Mogul's second son ; and the Khan, when she wen; to
the Court, had sent her attended by twenty elephant^ a
thousand horse, and six thousand wagons, loaded with the
richest stuffs, and whatever else was rare in the country. .-lis
Court consisted of above 500 persons, 400 whereof were his
slaves, who served him in his affairs, and were all dieted in ;he
house. I have it from good hands, that his expence in hoite-
keeping amounted to above five thousand crowns a monih,
not comprehending iu that account that of his stables, whre
he kept five hundred horse and fifty elephants. The met
eminent persons of his retinue were very magnificently clfl,
though as to his own person, he was nothing curious, aid
was content commonly with a garment of cotton, as ae
the other Indosthans, unless it were when he went abrojd
into the city, or took a journey into the country ; for th(i
he went in great state, sitting ordinarily in a rich chair, sfc
upon an elephant, covered with the richest tapistry, beii^
attended by a guard of 200 men, having many excelleu
Persian horses led, and causing several standards am
banners to be carried before him.
" I went along with the English merchant to visit the
Governor, whom we found sitting in a pavilion or tenfa
which looked into his garden. Having caused us to sit
down by him, he asked the merchant who I was : He
told him in the Indosthan language, that I was a gentleman
of Germany, whom a desire to see foreign countries, and
to improve himself by travel, had obliged to leave his own.
That coming into Persia, upon occasion of an Embassy sent
thither by the Prince my master, I took a resolution to see
Their distourse. the Indies, as being the noblest country iu the world; and
being come to that city, that I hoped he would not take it
ill if I aspired to the honour of waiting upon him. The
Governor made answer, I was very welcome, that my reso-
lution was noble and generous, and that he prayed God to
bless and prosper it. He thereu])on asked me, whether
during my abode in Persia, I had learnt ought of the
Mandelslo risitg
the Governor of
Ahmadabad.
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND UOMBAY. 25
language. I reply'd that I bad a greater inclination to the
Turkish language, and that I understood it so far as to make
a shift to express my self in it. The Governor, who was a
Persian born, made answer, that it was true indeed, the
Turkish language was much more commonly spoken in the
Shah^s Court than that of the country, and thereupon asked
me my age, and how long it was since I left Germany. I
told him I was 24 years of age, and that I had travelled
three years. He replied that he wondered very much my
friends would suffer me to travel so young, and asked me
whether I had not changed my habit by the way ; whereto
having made answer that I had not, he told me, that it was
an extraordinary good fortune, that I had travelled in that
costume through so many countries, without meeting with
some unhappy accident, and that the Dutch and English, to
prevent any such misfortune, clad themselves according to
the fashion of the country.
" After about an hour^s discourse, we would have risen and Dinner.
taken our leaves of him, but the Governor intreated us to
stay and dine with him. He caused some fruit to be brought,
while his people were laying the cloth, which was of cotton,
laid upon a large carpet of red Turkie-leather. The dinner
was very noble, and served up and drest according to the
Persian way, the meat being laid in dishes, all porcelaue,
upon rice of several colours, in the same manner as we had
seen at the Court at Ispahan. Presently after dinner we
came away, but as I was taking my leave of the Governor
he told me in the Turkish language, Setini clahe kurim, that
is to say, we shall see you again, giving me thereby to under-
stand, that he would be glad of some further discourse with
me.
"Accordingly we went thither again, but I had clad a second visit to
my self according to the mode of the country, upon the
design I had to travel into Cambaya, which I could hardly
do without changing habit. We found him in the same
apartment where we had seen him the time before. He was
clad in a white vestment, according to the Indian mode,
2(5 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
over which he had another that was longer, of brocade, the
ground carnation lined with white satin, and above, a
collar of sables, whereof the skin were sewed together, so
as that the tails hung down over the back. As soon as he
saw us come in, he made us sit down by the Lords that were
wath him. He was about some business, which hindered him
for a while from discoursing with us, yet could I not but
observe that he was pleased at my change of habit. He
dispatched several orders, and sometimes writ himself; yet
did not his business take him up, so as to hinder him from
taking tobacco, which he took after the same manner,
there standing near him a servant, who with one hand
held the pipe to his mouth, and set fire to it with the
other. He quitted that exercise to go and take a view of
certain troops of horse and companies of foot, which were
drawn up in the court. He would see their arms himself,
and caused them to shoot at a mark, thereby to judge of
their abilities, and to augment the pay of such as did well
at the cost of the others, out of* whose pay there was so much
abated. So that seeing him thus employed we would have
taken our leaves, but he sent us word that we should dine
with him, causing in the mean time fruit to be sent us,
whereof by his order we sent the best part to our lodging.
Opium. " Soon after he called for a little golden cabinet, enriched
with precious stones, and having taken out two drawei's,
out of one he took Offion, or Opium, and out of the other
Bengi, a certain drug, or powder, made of the leaves and seed
of hemp, which they use to excite luxury. Having taken a
small spoonful of each, he sent the cabinet to me, and told
me, that it could not otherwise be, but that, during my abode
at Ispahan, I must needs have learnt the use of that drug,
and that I should find that as good as any I had seen in
Persia. I told him, that I was no competent judge of it, in
regard I had not used it often, however I would then take of
it for the honour's sake of receiving it from his hands. I took
of it, and the English merchant did the like, though neither
of us had ever taken any before, nor did much like it then.
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 27
"The Governor of Ahmadabad was a judicious understanding oovernor'of "^*'
man, but basty, and so rigorous, that his government inclined ^hmudabad.
somewhat to cruelty. It happened one day, that the two
principal Directors of the English and Dutch trade there,
being invited by him to dinner; a young gentleman that
waited upon the former, comes into the hall to attend upon
his master. He had on a slashed doublet, much after the
fashion which was worn about thirty years since, which the
Governor thought so ridiculous, that he could not forbear
laughing at it, and asked the English President, in what quality
that slashed gallant served him, since that according to his
habit, he conceived he kept him for his Fool. The President
made answer, not without some confusion, that he waited on
him in his chamber, and that he had opened his doublet in
that manner to make way for the air, the better to avoid
the excessive heats of the country, which the Europeans
could not well endure. Whereto the Governor replied, that
that reason gave some satisfaction, but what he most wondered
at was that the Christians, who are a wise and understanding
people, had not yet found out the way to make their doublets
of several shreds, rather then cut and mangle whole pieces
of stuffes to put themselves into that mode. This jesting
with the English merchant put him into so good an humour,
that he would needs devote the remainder of the day to sport
and divertisement, and thereupon sent for twenty women-
dancers, who as soon as they were come into the room fell a
singing and dancing, but with an activity and exact observa-
tion of the cadence, much beyond that of our dancers
upon the ropes. They had little hoops or circles, through
which they leaped as nimbly as if they had been so many
apes, and made thousands of postures, according to the several
soundings of their musick, which consisted of a tnmhecJc, or
timbrel, a haw-boy, and several tabours. Having danced
near two hours, the Governor would needs send into the citj-
for another band of dancers, but the servants brought word,
that they were sick and could not come. This excuse being not
taken, he sent out the same servants, with express order to
28 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
bring those women away by force; but they returning the second
time with the same excuse, he ordered they should be cudgelled.
Upon that, the women came and cast themselves at the
Governor's feet, and acknowledged that it was indeed true, they
were not sick, and that they denied to come, because they
knew well enough he would not pay them. He laught
at it, but immediately commanded out a party of his guard
to bring them to him, and they were no sooner entered into
His cruelty. the hall ere he ordered their heads to be struck ofE. They
Alaiidelslo leaves ..... .
Ahmadabad. begged their lives with horrid cries and lamentations; but he
would be obeyed and caused the execution to be done in
the room before all the company, not one of the Lords
then present daring to make the least intercession for
those wretches, who were eight in number. The strangers
were startled at the horror of the spectacle and inhumanity
of the action ; which the Governor taking notice of, fell a
laughing, and asked them what they were so much startled
at. Assure your selves, Gentlemen, said he, that if I should
not take this course, I should not be long Governor of
Ahmadabad. For should I connive once at their disobedience,
these people would play the Masters, and drive me out of
the City. "'TIS but prudence in me to prevent their con-
tempt of my authority, by such examples of severity as these
are.''
Visit of Fryer. Tliivty-slx ycars passed away. In 1674, Dr. Pryer
visited Surat.^ He was a Surgeon in the service
of the East India Company. He has left the
following description of the English factory at
Surat. It indicates a considerable increase in the
Company's establishment at Surat, as well as a
large extension of their trade.
The English "The housc the English live in at Surat, is parti}'- the
King's gift, partly hired; built of stone and excellent
* Fryer's Travels in Iiicliii aiul Persia between 1672 anil 1681. lionilon :
1698.
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 29
timber, with good carviug-, without representations ; very
strong", for that each floor is half a yard thick at least, of
the best plastered cement, which is very weighty. It is
contrived after the Moor^s buildings, wi<"h upper and lower
galleries, or terrace-walks; a neat Oratory, a convenient
open place for meals. The President has spacious lodgings,
noble rooms for counsel and entertainment, pleasant tanks,
yards, and an hummum to wash in ; but no gardens in the
city, or very few, though without the city they have many, like
wildernesses, overspread with trees. The English had a neat
one, but Sevaji's coming destroyed it : It is known, as the
other Factories are, by their several flags flying.
"Here they live (in shipping-time) in a continual burly- fuU of noise.
burly, the Banians presenting themselves from the hour of
ten till noon ; and then afternoon at four till night, as if it
were an Exchange in every row ; below stairs, the packers
and warehouse-keepers, together with merchants bringing
and receiving musters, make a meer Billiusgate ; for if you
make not a noise, they hardly think you intent on what you
are doing.
^' Among the English, the business is distributed into four The Four chief
. . Offices
offices; the Accomptant, who is next in dignity to the Presi-
dent, the general accompts of all India, as well as this place,
passing through his hands ; he is quasi Treasurer, signing all
things, though the broker keep the cash. Next him is the
Warehouse-keeper, who registers all Europe goods vended, and
receives all Eastern commodities bought; under him is the
Purser Marine, who gives account of all goods exported and
imported, pays Seamen their wages, provides wagons and
porters, looks after tackling for ships, and ships' stores.
Last of all is the Secretary, who models all Consultations,
writes all letters, carries them to the President and Council to
be perused and signed ; keeps the Company's seal, which is
affixed to all passes and commissions; records all transactions,
and sends copies of them to the Company ; though none of
these, without the President's approbation, can act or do any
thing. The affairs of India are solely under his regulation ;
30
EARLY REOOliDS OF BPJTISH INDIA.
The Company's
Servants, and
tlieir Salaries.
The unilcr
Factories mo-
delled by this.
The Presidency.
from him issue out all orders, by him all preferment is dis-
posed ; by which means the Council are biassed by his arbi-
trament.
" The whole mass of the Company's servants may be com-
prehended in these classes, viz., Merchants, Factors, and
Writers ; some Bluecoat Boys also have been entertained
under notion of apprentices for seven years, which being
expired, if they can get security, they are capable of employ-
ments. The Writers are obliged to serve five years for 10^.
per Ann. giving in a bond of 500^. for good behaviour, all
which time they serve under some of the forementioned
Offices : After which they commence Factors, and rise to pre-
ferment and trust, according to seniority or favour, and
therefore have a 1,000/. bond exacted from them, and have
their salary augmented to 201. per Ann. for three years, then
entering into new indentures, are made Senior Factors ; and
lastly, Merchants after Three Years more ; out of whom are
chose Chiefs of Factories, as places fall, and are allowed 40*.
per A?m. during their stay in the Company^s service, besides
lodgings and victuals at the Company^s charges.
" These in their several Seignioi'ies behave themselves after
the fundamentals of Surat, and in their respective Factories
live in the like grandeur ; from whence they rise successively
to be of the Council in Surat, which is the great Council ;
and if the President do not contradict, are sworn, and take
their place accordingly, which consists of about five in num-
ber, besides the President, to be constantly resident.
" As for the Presidency, though the Company interpose a
deserving man, yet they keep that power to themselves, none
assuming that dignity till confirmed by them : His salary
from the Company is 500/. a year ; half paid here, the other
half reserved to be received at home, in case of misdemeanor
to make satisfaction ; beside a bond of 5,000/. sterling of
good securities.
"The Accountant has 7il. per aimnm, fifty pound paid
here, the other at home : All the rest are half paid here, half
at home, except the Writers, who have all paid here.
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 31
" Out of the Council are elected the Deputy-Governor of tiic advantage
Bombay, and Agent of Persia ; the first a place of g-reat couutii.
trust, the other of profit; though, by the appointment from
the Company, the Second of India claims Bombay, and the
Secretary of Surat the Agency of Persia, which is connived
at, and made subject to the will of the President, by the
interest of those whose lot they are ; chusing rather to reside
here, where consignments compensate those emoluments ; so
that none of the Council, if noted in England, but makes
considerably by his place, after the rate of five in the hun-
dred, commission ; and this is the Jacob's ladder by which
they ascend.
" It would be too mean to descend to indirect ways, which The baseness
are chiefly managed by the Banians, the fittest tools for any ^
deceitful undertaking ; out of whom are made brokers for
the Company, and private persons, who are allowed two per
cent, on all bargains, besides what they squeeze secretly out
of the price of things bought ; which cannot be well under-
stood for want of knowledge in their language ; which ignor-
ance is safer, than to hazard being poisoned for prying too
nearly into their actions : Though the Company, to encourage
young men in their service, maintain a master to learn them
to write and read the language, and an annuity to be annex-
ed when they gain a perfection therein, which few attempt,
and fewer attain.
"To this Factory belongs twenty persons in number, Number of
reckoning Swally Marine into the account; a Minister for Faawy.'"
'Divine Service, a Surgeon, and when the President is
here, a guard of English soldiers, consisting of a double file
led by a Serjeant.
" The present Deputy has only forty Moor-men, and a flag-
■ man, carrying St. George his colours swallow-tailed in silk,
fastened to a silver partisan; with a small attendance of
horse with silver bridles, and furniture for the gentlemen of
the house, and coaches for Ladies and Council.
" The President besides these has a noise of trumpets, and state of tho
is carried himself in a Palenkeen, a horse of state led before
32 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
him, a Mirclial (a fan of ostriches^ feathers) to keep off the
sun, as the Omrahs or great men have ; 'none hut the
Emperor have a Sumhrero among the Moguls : Besides
these, every one according to his quality has his menial
servants to wait on him iu his chamber, and follow him
out.
All places in "The Presidency of Surat is esteemed superior to all iu
the Presidtiioy, India, the Agency of Bantam being not long since subordinate
with their Com- ..,,,. i • ^ i,,i i ^ n i c
modities. to it, but siDce made independent ; though the South Sea trade
is still maintained from hence to Bantam with such cloth as
is vendible there, from thence with dollars to China for
sugar, tea, porcelaue, laccared ware, quicksilver, tuthinag and
copper ; which with cowreys, little sea-shells, come from Siam
and the Phillipine Islands ; gold and elephants' teeth from
Sumatra, in exchange of corn. From Persia, which is still
under the Presidency, come drugs and Carmania wool ;
from Mocha, cohar, or coffee. The Inland Factories subject
to it, are Ahmadabad, whence is provided silks, as atlases
wrought with gold ; Agra, where they fetch indico, chuperly,
coarse cloth. Siring chiuts. Broach baftas, broad and narrow;
dimities, and other fine calicuts ; Along the coasts are
Bombay, Bajapore for salloos; Carnear for dungarees, and
the weightiest pepper; Calicut for spice, ambergrcez, granats,
opium, with salt petre, and no cloth, though it give the
name of Calicut to all in India, it being the first port from
whence they were known to be brought into Europe : All
which, after the Europe ships have uuladen at Surat, they go
down to fetch ; and bring up time enough before the Caffilas
out of the country come iu with their wares.
The Investment " The placcs about Surat afford variety of Calicuts, but not
set on foot in . . , j i i
the Bains. such vast quantities as are yearly exported, and moreover uot
so cheap ; which is the reason at every place the factors are
sent to oversee the weavers, buying up the cotton-yarn to
employ them all the rains, when they set on foot their
investments, that they may be ready against the season for
the ships: or else the chief broker iraploys Banians in
their steads, who are responsible for their fidelity.
ENGLISH AT SUKAT AND BOMBAY. 33
'* On these wheels moves the trafRck of the East, and has This trade
succeeded better than any Corporation preceeding-, or open company better
trade licensed in the time of Oliver Cromwell ; though how TiadciB.
much more to the benefit of England than a free commerce,
may be guessed by their already being- over-flocked with
Europe merchandise, which lowers the price. What then
would a glut do, which certainly must follow, but debase
them more, and enhance these ?
" But lest the New Company should be exclaimed against as Their Freemen
too greedy monopolizers, they permit free traders on their than theii^^'^^
Island Bombay; when, to speak truth, they are in a far
worse condition than their servants; being tied up without
hopes of raising themselves : so that in earnest they find out
that to be but a trick.
"However, to confess on the Company's behalf, the trade TheCharj^es
/T j_i • J \ /> o*^ '-''•^ English
(1 mean on this coast) tor some years lately passed has Company not
hardly ballanced expences. They employing yearly forty sail Hollanders.
of stout ships to and from all parts where they trade, out and
home ; manning and maintaining their Island Bombay, Fort
St. George, and St. Helens ; besides large sums expended to
bear out the port of their Factors ; which notwithstandino-
by impartial computation has been found inferior to the costs
of the Hollanders, and therefore more to the profit of the
English East India Company, than theirs, in the few years
they have adventured ; so that I should mightily blame them
should they prove ungrateful to His Majesty, who by his
gracious favour has united them in a society, whereby they
are competitors for riches (though not strength) with the
notedest Company in the universe.
" This Charter was granted presently after the happy restora- Their charter
tion of our Gracious Sovereign, when order began to dawn, and ^"' *" ^''"'*''
dispel the dark chaos of popular community : Then was sent
out a President, to put their Charter in force, and establish a
graduation among their servants, which before was not
observed ; only for order's sake, they did nominate an Agent ;
the rest being independent, made no distinction. When as
now, after a better model, they commence according to their
standing, and are under a collegiate manner of restraint.
34.
EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
The Course of
the Presidents.
The English
defend
themselves with
honour against
Sevaji a second
time.
The Power of
the President,
III success of
the first
AdventurcB,
" The last Agent was Agent Rivinton^ who was aboHshed by
the Company's sending out President Wyneh, who lived not
much more than two years : President Andrews took his
place ; and he resigning. Sir George Oxendine held it till his
death; in whose time Sevaji plundered Surat ; but he
defended himself and the merchants so bravely, that he had
a khillut or Serpaw, a robe of honour from head to foot,
oflfered him from the Great Mogul, with an abatement of
customs to Two and an half per cent, granted to the Com-
pany : For which his masters, as a token of the high sense
they had of his valour, presented him a medal of gold, with
this device :
' Non minor est virtus qnam qncerere pai'ta tneri'
"After whose decease, the Honourable Gerald Aungiertook
the chair, and encountered that bold mountaineer a second
time, with as great applause; when the Governor of the
town and province durst neither of them shew their heads :
" Flucttim enim iotius Barharioe ferre urhs una non poterat.
" The enemies by the help of an Europe engineer had
sprung a mine to blow up the castle ; but being discovered,
were repulsed; for though he had set fire to the rest of the
city, they retained the castle, and the English their house.
" The extent of the Presidency is larger in its missions than
residency; in which limits may be reckoned an hundred
Company's servants continually in the country ; besides the
annual advenues of ships, which during their stay are all
uuder the same command : Therefore what irregularities are
committed against only the Presidency or Company, in case
of non-submission, the persons offending* are to be sent home,
and dismissed their employments for refractoriness ; but if an
higher Court lay hold of them in case of murder or any capi-
tal crime, then they are to be sent to Bombay, there to have a
legal trial, according to the laws of England, as the Presi-
dent is created Governor of His Majesty's Island.
" The ill-managing of which penalties formerly, or the in-
validity to inflict them, may be the true cause of the unpros-
perou«nes8 of the ancient undertakers ; who had this iucon-
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 35
veniency still attending, to wit, the incorrigible stubbornness War with
of their own men, after they had overcome all other difficulties, ""^ ''^°' '
occasioned by tlie grant of the East to the Portugal, and West-
Indies to the Spaniard. Nevertheless this fairy gift was the
ground of a long and tedious quarrel in each of the world's
ends ; so that our ships encouutring with their Carracks,
seldom used to part without the loss of one or both. Nay,
the long-lived people yet at Swalley, remember a notable
skirmish betwixt the English and Portugals there, wherein
they were neatly intrapped; an ambuscado of ours falling
upon them behind in such sort, that they were compelled
between them and the ships in the road, to resign most of
their lives ; and gave b}^ their fall a memorable name to a
Point they yet call Bloody Point, for this very reason. But since
these sores are fortunately bound up in that -conjugal tye
betwixt our sacred King and the sister of Portugal, laying all
foul words and blows aside, let us see how the aflPairs stand
betwixt them and the Dutcli, who followed our steps, and got
in at the breach we made. They made them more work, not
only beating them out of their South-Sea trade, but possessed
themselves of all their treasures of spice, and have ever since
kept them, with all their strong-holds, as far as Goa; they
only enjoying the gold trade of Mosambique undisturbed ; the
Japanners having banished both their commerce and reli-
gion.
" Wherefore our ships almost alone, were it not for a little The company
the French of late, lade Calicuts for Europe : The Dutch have '^"^'^ ^^' ^'''''
a Factory here, that vend the spices they bring from Batavia,
and invest part of the money in coarse cloth, to be disposed
among their Planters, or sold to the Malayans, and send the
rest back in rupees : So that we singly have the credit of
the Port, and are of most advantage to the inhabitants,
and fill the Custom-House with the substantialest incomes.
But not to defraud the French of their just commendations,
whose Factory is better stored with Monsieurs than with cash,
they live well, borrow money, and make a show : Here are
French Capuchins, who have a Convent, and live in es-
teem/'
36
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Rudeness of the
Mussulman
mendicants.
X
Seamen.
Subordination
of ISombay to
^'^''- extracts
Dr. Pryer furnishes a curious account of the
relations between the English and the Muhammad-
ans at Surat : —
"Going out to see the city of Surat, I passed without any
ineivilitj^, the better because I understood not what they
said ; for though we meet not with boys so rude as in Eng-
land, to run after strangers, yet here are a sort of bold, lusty,
and most an end, drunken beggars, of the Mussulman cast,
that if they see a Christian in good clothes, mounted on a
stately horse, with rich trappings, are presently upon their
punctilios with God Almighty, and interrogate him. Why he
suffers him to go a foot, and in rags, and this Kafir
(Unbeliever) to vaunt it thus? And are hardly restrained
from running a Muck (which is to kill whoever they meet,
till they be slain themselves), especially if they have been
at Hadji, a pilgrimage to Mecca, and thence to Juddah,
where is Mahomet's Tomb ; these commonly, like evil spirits,
have their habitations among the tombs. Nor can we com-
plain only of this libertinism, for the rich Moormen them-
selves are persecuted by these rascals.
" As for the rest, they are very respectful, unless the seamen
or soldiers get drunk, either with toddy or bang (a plea-
sant intoxicating seed, mixed with milk) ; then are they
monarchs, and it is madness to oppose them ; but leave
them to themselves, and they will vent that fury, by breath-
ing a vein or two with their own swords, sometimes slash-
ing themselves most barbarously.^'
The allusions to Bombay in tlic foregoing
show that it was considered at this
period to be a subordinate place to Surat. It had
l)een given to tlie English in 1661 as a portion
of the dowry of Donna Infanta Catherina, sister
to the King of Portugal, when she was given
in marriage to Charles the Second. Some years
elapsed l)eforc tlie English effected a settlement
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 37
at Bombay. Dr. Pryer visited the Island about
1674, and has left the following description of
Bombay and its surroundings :—
"Let us walk the rounds. At distance enous^h lies The Town oc
the town, in which confusedly live the English, Portugueze,
Topazes, Hindoos, Moors, Cooly Christians, most fishermen.
" It is a full mile in length, the houses are low, and
thatched with oleas o£ the cocoe-trees, all but a few the
Portugals left, and some few the Company have built, the
Custom-house and Ware-houses are tiled or plastered, and
instead of glass, use panes of oyster-shells for their windows
(which as they are cut in squares, and polished, look grace-
fully enough). There is also a reasonable handsome Bazar.
'^At the end of the town looking into the field, where
cows and bufFoloes graze, the Portugals have a pretty house
and Church, with orchards of Indian fruit adjoining. The
English have only a Buryiug-plaee, called Mendam's-Point,
from the first man's name there interred, where are some
few tombs that make a pretty show at eutring the Haven,
but neither Church or Hospital, both which are mightily to
be desired.
"There are no fresh water rivers, or fallino- streams of F«'esh Water-
... _ " springs scarce.
living water : The water drank is usually rain-water preserv-
ed in tanks, which decaying, they are forced to dig wells
into which it is strained, hardly leaving its brackish taste ;
so that the better sort have it brought from Massegoung,
where is only one fresh spring.
"On the backside of the towns of Bombay and Maijm, Woods of
are woods of cocoes (under which inhabit the Banderines,
those that prune and cultivate them), these Hortoes being
the greatest purchase and estates on the Island, for some
miles together, till the sea break in between them : Over-
against which, up the Bay a mile, lies Massegoung, a great
fishing town, peculiarly notable for a fish called bumbelo,
the sustenance of the poorer sort, who live on them and
batty, a course sort of rice, and the wine of the cocoe,
called toddy. The groimd between this and the great breach
38
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
farcll.
Salt-Pans.
Maijm.
SalvasoDg.
Malabar-hill.
is well ploughed, and bears good batty. Here the Portugals
have another Church, and Religious House belonging to the
Franciscans.
" Beyond it is Parell, where they have another Church,
and demesnes belonging to the Jesuits ; to which appertains
Siam, manured by Columbeens, husbandmen, where live the
Frasses, or porters also ; each of which tribes have a Manda-
dore, or superintendent, who give an account of them to
the English, and being born under the same degree of slavery,
are generally more tyrannical than a stranger would be
towards them ; so that there needs no other task-master
than one of their own Tribe, to keep them in awe by a rigid
subjection.
" Under these uplands the washes of the sea produce a
lunary tribute of salt left in pans or pits made on purpose at
spring-tides for the overflowing; and when they are full
are incrustated by the heat of the sun. In the middle,
between Parell, Maijm, Sciam, and Bomba}^, is an hollow,
wherein is received a breach running at three several places,
which drowns 40000 acres of good land, yielding nothing
else but samphire; athwart which, from Parell to Maijm,
are the ruins of a stone causeway made by penances.
"At Maijm the Portugals have another complete Church
and House; the English a pretty Custom-house and Guard-
house : The Moors also a Tomb in great veneration for a
Peor, or Prophet, instrumental to the quenching the flames
approaching tlieir Prophet's Tomb at Mecha (though he was
here at the same time) by the fervency of his prayers.
" At Salvasong, the farthest part of this Inlet, the Francis-
cans enjoy another Church and Convent; this side is all
covered with trees of cocoes, jawks, and mangoes ; in the
middle lies Verulee, where the English have a watch.
" On the other side of the great inlet, to the sea, is a great
point a])ntting against Old Woman's Island, and is called
Malabar-hill, a rocky, woody mountain, yet sends forth
long grass. A-top of all is a Parsee Tomb lately reared ; on
its declivity towards the sea, the remains of a stupendous
ENGLISH AT SUE AT AND BOMBAY. 39
Pagoda^ near a tank of fresh water, which the Malabars
visited it mostly for.
" Thus have we compleated our rounds, being in the cir- f^f^f^ of ^^^
cumference twenty miles, the length eight, taking in Old-
Woman's Island, which is a little low barren Island, of no
other profit, but to keep the Company's antelopes, and other
beasts of delight.
'' The people that live here are a mixture of most of the Mitt people,
neighbouring countries, most of them fugitives and vaga-
bonds, no account being here taken of them : Others perhaps
invited hither (and of them a great number) by the liberty
granted them in their several religions, which here are
solemnized with variety of fopperies (a toleration consistent
enough with the rules of gain), though both Moors and
Portugals despise us for it ; here licensed out of policy, as
the old Numidians to build up the greatest empire in the
world. Of these, one among another, may be reckoned
60000 souls; more by 50000 than the Portugals ever could.
For which number this Island is not able to find provisions,
it being most of it a rock above water, and of that which
is overflowed, little hopes to recover it. However, it is well
snp2)lied from abroad both with corn and meat at reasonable
rates ; and there is more ilesh killed for the English alone
here in one month, than in Surat for a year for all the Moors
in that populous city.
" The Government here now is English ; the soldiers have English
martial law : The freemen, common ; the chief arbitrator
■whereof is the President, with his Council at Surat; under
him is a Justiciary, and Court of Pleas, with a Committee
for regulation of affairs, and presenting all complaints.
" The President has a large commission, and is Vice-Regis : Power and
he has a Council here also, and a guard when he walks or President. °
rides abroad, accompanied with a party of horse, which are
constantly kept in the stables, either for pleasure or service.
He has his chaplains, physician, surgeons, and domes-
ticks ; his linguist, and mint-master : At meals he has his
trumpets usher in his courses, and soft music at the table ;
40
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Cnhcalt.hiness
of Bombay,
English women.
Longevity «(
ualives :inU
rorluguite.
If lie move out of his chamber^ the silver staves wait on
him ; if down stairs, the guard receive him ; if he go abroad
the Baudarines and Moors under two standards march before
him. He goes sometimes in the coach, drawn by large milk-
white oxen, sometimes on horseback, other times in palen-
keens, carried by Cohors, Mussulman porters : Always having
a Sumbrero of state carried over him : And those of the
English inferior to him, have a suitable train.
" But for all this gallantry, I reckon they walk but in
charnel-houses, the climate being extremely iiuhealthy ; at
first thought to be caused by Bubsho, rotten fish ; but though
that be prohibited, yet it continues as mortal : I rather
impute it to the sit\iation, which causes au infecundity in
the earth, and a putridness in the air, what being produced
seldom coming to maturity, whereby what is eaten is un-
digested ; whence follows fluxes, dropsy, scurvy, barbiers
(which is au enervating the whole body, being neither able
to use hands or feet), gout, stone, malignant and putrid
fevers, which are endemial diseases : Among the worst of these.
Fool Rack (brandy made of blubber, or carvil,by the Portu'gals,
because it swims always iu a blubber, as if nothing else were
in it ; but touch it, and it stings like nettles; the latter,
because sailing on the waves it bears up jike a Portugal
Carvil : It is, being taken, a jelly, and distilled causes
those that take it to be fools),
" To support their colony, the Company have sent out
English women ; but they beget a sickly generation ; and as
the Dutch well observe, those thrive better that come of an
European father and Indian mother : which (not to reflect on
what creatures are sent abroad) may be attributed to their
living at large, not debarring themselves wine and strong
drink, which immoderately used, inflames the blood, and
spoils the milk in these hot countries, as Aristotle long ago
declared. The natives abhor all heady liquors, for which
reason they prove better nurses.
"Notwithstanding this mortality to the English, the country
people and naturalized Portugals live to a good old agCj
■\
ENGLISH AT SUEAT AND BOMBAY. 41
supposed to be the reward of their temperauce ; indulging
themselves neither in strong drinks, nor devouring flesh as
we do. But I believe rather we are here, as exotic plants
brought home to us, not agreeable to the soil : For to the
lustier and fresher, and oftentimes the temperatest, the
clime more unkind ; 1)ut to old men and women it seems
to be more suitable.
" Happy certainly then are those, and only those, brought Misery and
hither in their nonage, before they have a gust of our Albion ; EngUsh.
or next to them, such as intoxicate themselves with Laethe and
remember not their former condition : When it is expostulated,
Is this the reward of an harsh and severe pupilage ? Is this
the Elysium after a tedious wastage ? For this, will any thirst,
will any contend, will any forsake the pleasures of his native
soil, in his vigorous age, to bury himself alive here ? Were
it not more charitable at the first bubbles of his infant-sor-
rows, to make the next stream over-swell him ? Or else
if he must be full grown for misery, how much more com-
passionate were it to expose him to an open combat with the
fiercest duellists in nature, to spend at once his spirits, than
to wait a pieeeraealed consumption ? Yet this abroad and
unknown, is the ready choice of those to whom poverty
threatens contempt at home : What else could urge this
wretched remedy ? For these are untrodden paths for know-
ledge, little improvement being to be expected from barbarity
custom and tradition are only venerable here ; and it is
heresy to be wiser than their forefathers ; which opinion is
both bred and hatched by an innate sloth ; so that though
we seem nearer the heavens, yet bodies here are more earthy
and the mind wants that active fire that always mounts, as
if it were extiuguished by its Antiparistasis : Whereby society
and communication, the characteristic of man, is wholly lost.
What then is to be expected here, where sordid thrift is the
only science ? After which, notwithstanding there is so
general an inquest, few there be acquire it : For in five
hundred, one hundred survive not ; of that one hundred,
one quarter get not estates ; of those that do, it has not
K
42
EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Kn^lisb
embassy to
Siraji.
been recorded above one in ten years bas seen bis country :
And in tbis difficulty it would bardly be worth a sober man^s
while, much less an ingenuous man^s, who should not defile
his purer thoughts, to be wholly taken up with such mean
(not to say indirect) contemplations ; however, a necessary
^adjunct, wealth, may prove to buoy him up on the surface
' of repute, lest the vulgar serve him as ^sop^s frogs did their
first revered deity/'
Dr. Fryer yisited Bomhay in stirring times. Sivaji
had established his jMahratta kingdom in the Kon-
kan. He was preparing for his coronation as Eaja.
The English at Bombay sent an embassy to the
Raja in the hope of opening up a trade through his
dominions into the Dekhan. Fryer describes the
progress of the embassy. Sivaji held his head-quar-
ters at the great hill fortress of E/airee. At this
time he was absent on a pilgrimage. Accordingly
the English ambassador halted at Puncharra, a town
situated at the foot of the hill. Here he had an
interview with Narainji Pundit, one of the Mahratta
ministers. He begged the Pundit to persuade Sivaji
of the profit that would accrue to him by the open-
ing up of the trade ; for, as the Raja had been a
soldier from his infancy, it was possible that he
paid no attention to such matters. The Mahratta
minister replied to the following effect :
" That he doubted not but it would be effected in a short
winisterof state ^^^® ^ ^^^ ^^^^ the King of Bijapur, who is owncr of those
toEng the iish. countries (from whence most sorts of wares come) being
weary of wars with his master, had sent several eml>assies to
conclude a peace with him : which he thought would be made
up in two or three months, and then the ways would be free,
and the merchants have egress and roo^ress as formerlv.
Ofticionsnpss
of a Chief
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 43
That the Rajah, after his coronation^ would act more like a
Prince, by taking care of his subjects, and endeavouring the
advancement of commerce in his dominions ; which he could
not attend before, being in perpetual war with the Great
Mogul, and King of Bijapur. This is the substance of his (the
ambassador's) discourse with Narainji Pundit, who seemed to
him to be a man of prudence and esteem with his master : so
after a little sitting he took his leave of him, having first pre-
sented him with a diamond ring, for which he expressed a
liking ; and his eldest son a couple of Pamerins, which are
fine mantles.
" They continuing under their tent, found It very hot and Rair^e.
incommodious ; wherefore they were glad when they heard
the Rajah was returned from Purtabghur, when the ambas-
sador solicited Narainji Pundit to procure his leave to pass
up the Hill into Rairee Castle : the next day they received order
to ascend the hill into the castle, the Rajah having appointed
a house for them ; which they did ; leaving Puncharra about
three in the afternoon, they arrived at the top of that strong
mountain, forsaking the humble clouds about sun-set.
" Rairee is fortified by nature more than art, being of very The luii.
difficult access, there being but one avenue to it, which is
cuarded by two narrow gates, and fortified by a strong wall
exceeding high, and bastions thereto : all the other part of
the mountain is a direct precipice, so that it is impregnable,
except the treachery of some in it betray it. On the moun-
tain are many strong buildings, as the Rajah's Court, and
houses of other Ministers, to the number of abont 300. It is
in leno-th about two miles and an half, but no pleasant trees or
any sort of grain grows thereon. Their house was about a
mile from the Rajah's Palace, into which they retired with no
little content.
'' Four days after their ascent, by the solicitation of Narainji Audience with
Pundit, the Rajah gave them audience, though busily em-
ployed by many other great affairs, relating to his coronation
and marriage. Our ambassador presented him, and his son
Sambaji Rajah, with the particulars appointed for them ;
44 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
which they took well satisfied with them ; and the Rajah
assured them we mig-ht trade securely in all his countries
without the least apprehension of ill from him_, for that the
peace was concluded. Our ambassador replied, that was our
intent ; and to that intent the President had sent him to this
Court to procure the same articles and privileges we enjoyed
in Indostan and Persia, where we traded. He answered, it
is well, and referred our business to Moro Pundit his Peshwa,
or Chancellor, to examine our articles, and give an account
what thej' were. He and his son withdrew into their private
apartments, to consult with the Brahmans about the ceremo-
nies preparatory to his enstalment ; which chiefly consisted
in abstinence and purifying ; till w^hich be over, he will
hear no farther of business. They likewise departed to their
lodgings,
sivaji wfigbed ^' About this time the Raiah, according to the Hindu custom,
in gold. -^ . * . '
was weighed in gold, and poised about 16,000 Pagodas, which
money, together with an 100,000 more, is to be distributed
among the Brahmans after the day he is enthroned, who in
great numbers flock hither from all parts ©f his territories.
Grants the *' Being camcst to press on nis errand he came for, the
Eugiish. ambassador sent to Naraioji Pundit to know what was
transacted in the articles ; but was returned for answer : — The
Rajah stopt his ears to all affairs, declaring he had granted
all the demands, except those two articles, expressing our
money shall go current in his dominions, and his on Bombay;
and that he shall restore whatever wrecks may happen on
his coasts belonging to the English, and inhabitants of Bom-
bay : the first he accounted unnecessary to be inserted, be-
cause he forbids not the j^assiug of any manner of coins : nor
on the other side, can he force his subjects to take those
monies whereby they shall be losers ; but if our coin be as
fine an allay, and as weighty as the] Mogul's, and other
Princes, he will not prohibit it. To the other he says, that it is
against the laws of Konkan to restore any ship.s, vessels, or
goods, that are driven ashore by tempest, or otherwise ; and
that should he grant us that privilege^ the French, Dutch,
ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 45
and other merchants^ would claim the same right ; which he
could not grant without breaking a custom has lasted many-
ages : the rest of our desires he willingly conceded, embracing
with much satisfaction our friendship, promising to himself
and country much happiness by our settlement and trade :
notwithstanding Narainji Pundit did not altogether despair
of obtaining our wrecks, because we enjoyed the same privi-
lege in the Mogul and Deccan country.
''Near a mouth after they had been here, Narainji Pandit tkc Ambassador
. . ' siinunoned to
sent word, that to-morrow about seven or eight in the morn- the Coronation.
ing, the Rajah Sevaji intended to ascend his throne ; and he
would take it kindly if they came to congratulate him there-
on ; that it was necessary to present him with some small
thing, it not being the custom of the Eastern parts to appear
before a Prince empty-handed. The ambassador sent him
word, according to his advice he would wait on the Rajah at
the prescribed time.
" Accordins-ly next mornino; he and his retinue went to Coronation
® , , . „ of Sivaji.
Court, and found the Rajah seated on a magnificent throne,
and all his nobles waiting on him in rich attire ; his son
Sambaji Rajah, Peshwa Moro Pundit, and a Brahman of
great eminence, seated on an ascent under the throne ; the
rest, as well officers of the army as others, standing with great
respect. The English made their obeisance at a distance,
and Narainji Pundit held up the diamond ring that was to be
presented him : He presently took notice of it, and ordered
their coming nearer, even to the foot of the throne, where
being vested, they were desired to retire ; which they did not
so soon, but they took notice on each side of the throne there
hung (according to the Moor's manner) on heads of gilded
lances many emblems of dominion and government ; as
on the right-hand were two great fishes heads of gold, with
very large teeth ; on the left, several horses' tails, a pair of
gold scales on a very high lance's head, equally poised, an
emblem of justice ; and as they returned, at the Palace gate
stood two small elephants on each side, and two fair horses
with gold trappings, bridles, and rich furniture ; which made
46
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
The Rajah
marries a fourth
Wife.
Sivaji signs the
Articles.
Value of the
foregoing
description.
them admire how they brought them up the hill^ the passage
being: both difficult and hazardous.
" Two daj's after this, the Kajah was married to a fourth
wife, without state ; and doth every day bestow alms on the
Brahmaus,
" Some days after, Narainji Pundit sent word the Rajah had
signed their articles, all but that about money. Then the
rest of the Ministers of State signed them, and they went to
receive them of Narainji Pundit, who delivered them to the
ambassador with expressions of great kindness for our nation,
and offered on all occasions to be serviceable to the English
at the Court of the Hajah.^'
The description of the reception by Sivaji of an
English ambassador is very valuable ; it brings the
English reader face to face with the court of the
once famous Mahratta. Strangely enough it is not
noticed in Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas.
CHAPTEE III.
ENGLISH AT MADRAS:
1600—1677.
WHILST the English were estahlishing them- Attempts at a
oi 1 J • 1 r> T 1 • settlement on
selves at Surat on the western side of India, the eastern side
' of India.
they made many futile attempts to effect a settle-
ment on the eastern side, known as the Coast of
Coromandel. The trade on the Coromandel Coast
was very vahiahle. The natives in this quarter had
brought the art of painting or dyeing calicoes to the
highest pitch of perfection. They were in great
demand in Europe. Above all, they were in great
demand in the countries further to the eastward ;
in Burma, Siam and the Indian Archipelago ; espe-
cially in what were known as the Spice Islands.
The English, however, wanted something more want of a tem-
tory and furtifi-
than a factory. They wanted a territory which they '^^''O''-
could fortify. No such territory could be obtained
in the Moghul dominions. The Moghuls would
neither grant territory nor allow of any fortifica-
tions.
It would be tedious to narrate the many abortive Purchase of
" Madras,
attempts that the English made in this direction.
48 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
At last they succeeded in buying a piece of land
from a Hindu Raja. It was in the remote Penin-
sula, far away to the south and far away from the
MoEjhul frontier. It was afterwards known as
Madras. It was the first territory which the
English secured in India.
Madras founded, Madras was founded in 1639. A site was chosen
lt>39.
on the sandy shores of the Coast of Coromandel.
^^ The spot was hard by the Portuguese city of
St. Thome. In the sixteenth century St. Thome
was famous throughout the world of Christianity.
St. Thomas the Apostle was said to have been
martyred there. His bones were found, or were said
to have been found, in a neighbouring mount.
The city and cathedral of St. Thome were built to
commemorate the legend.^
Territory and Thc Englisli territory of Madras was a mere
strip of land to the north of St. Thome. It ran six
miles along the shore and one mile inland. It was
exposed to the heavy surf which rolls in from the
Bay of Bengal ; but it possessed one crowning
advantage. There was a small island in the strip
facing the sea; it was formed on tlie land side by
the river Koum. It was only four hundred yards
lono^ and about a hundred vards wide : but it could
be easily rendered secure against the predatory
attacks of native horsemen.
' The story of St. Thomas is told in thc tenth book of thc " Lusiad " of
Camoons. 'llic " Lusiad " is a Portuguese epic composed in the sixteenth
century. It is known to English readers through the poetical trauslation of
William Mickle.
island.
ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 49
A certain Mr. Day bought the strip from the wwte Town.
Hindu Raja of Chandragheri.^ The English agreed
to -paj a yearly rent of twelve hundred pagodas, or
nearly six hundred pounds sterling, for this piece
of land. They built a wall round the island. They
laid out the enclosure in little streets and alleys,
with a fortress in the centre. No one but Eu-
ropeans were allowed to live on the island. It was
accordingly known as "White Town."
There was soon a large native settlement outside Biaek Town.
the island. It was inhabited by weavers and other
people of the country; hence it was known as
"Black Town." White Town and Black Town
were both included under the name of Madras.
White Town was also called Port St. Georsre.^
1 The Hindu Raja of Chandragheri deserves a passing notice. His name
was Sri Ranga Raja, He was a descendant of the old Rajas of Vijayanagar,
who had been driven out of the western table-land in the previous century.
He affected to live in state at the fortress of Chandragheri, about seventy
miles to the south-west of Madras. His suzerainty was still respected by
some of the local governors round about. The governors were called Naiks
or deputies of the Raja. The strip of seaboard, afterwards called Madras,
was within the government of the Naik of Chingleput.
Sri Ranga Raja was a genuine Hindu, Like all Hindus, he was ardently
desirous of perpetuating his family name to future ages. In granting the
land to the English, he expressly stipulated that the English town should
be called Sri Ranga Raja-patanam, or " the town of Sri Ranga Raja." The
grant was engraved on a plate of gold. The English kept the plate for more
than a century. It was lost in 1746 at the capture of Madras by the French,
The Raja of Chandragheri was out^vitted by the Naik of Cliingleput.
The father of the Naik was named Chinnapa. The Naik set the Raja
defiance. He ordered the town to be called Chinna-patanani, or " the town
of Cliinnapa," The Raja was helpless. The Muhammadans were pressing
towai-ds the south. In 1646 the Raja fled away to Mysore. The English
gave the name of Madras to their town on the Coast of Cdromandel. To
this day the native people call it by the old name of Chinna-patauam.
2 The accompanying cb-awhig of Fort St. George in 1677 is taken from
Fryer's Travels.
D
50 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Early perils. The English at Madras were at first exposed to
great danger. The Hindu Raja was soon conquered
by the Muhammadans of the neighbouring kingdom
of Golkonda. The officer of the Sultan of Golkonda
who commanded the country round about Madras
was knowD as tlie Nawab. He was never contented
with the yearly rent ; he wanted presents and exact-
ed fines. Sometimes he laid an embargo upon all
goods and supplies going to Madras until the money
was paid. Sometimes he besieged the place. After
the walls were finished, no native army ever cap-
tured Fort St. George.
Kise of Madras. j^gr souic Tcars thc houscs lu Whitc Town were
very few in number. The Europeans were few.
There were twenty or thirty servants of the Com-
pany, and a few soldiers. The Portuguese at St.
Thome were invited to build houses at Madras ;
and many were glad to come and live under the
protection o^ the English guns.
Absence of little or uotliing is known of Madras in those
records prior to
1670- early days. There are no records at Madras before
1670. The times, however, were very bad. In Eng-
land there was civil war, followed by the Common
wealth and the restoration of Charles the Second.
In India the advance of the Sultan of Golkonda
into the Peninsula, and the occasional inroads of
Mahrattas, were a great hindrance to the trade.
ciptnrc of St. About 1662 a general of Golkonda captured the
Thomi'^ by tlic .
H",'l^n""^"' City of St. Thome. Numbers of Portuguese were
driven out of the town. Many took refuge in
ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 5X
Fort St. George, and built houses there. This
Portuguese population strengthened the place for a
time, but caused much inconvenience in after years.
In the year 1672 Madras was an important place. Madras mi672.
"White Town contained about fifty houses laid out
in twelve streets. In the midst was the large
house of the Governor, where all the Company's
servants took their early dinners. Some of the older
servants were married, and lived in separate houses ;
but all were expected to be present at dinner, and
to maintain order and decorum.
The establishment at Madras was on the same plan European
■•• establishment,
as that at Surat, which has already been described.
The Governor or Agent was of course the first
member of Council. The Book-keeper was second in
Council ; the Warehouse-keeper was third ; and the
Customer was fourth. The duties of these officers
may be gathered from their names. The duties
of Customer were peculiar to the English settle-
ments. He collected all customs, rents, and other
taxes ; he also sat as Justice of the Peace in Black
Town. The administration of justice will be brought
under consideration hereafter.
The Council met every Monday and Tuesday consnuationa
and ^euerai
at eight o'clock for the transaction of business. ^*^''^"^-
Everything was discussed and decided in Council.
All that concerned the Company or their servants
down to the most trifling point was duly laid before
the Council. The Secretary was always in attend-
ance. He kept a diary of all proceedings and
52
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Merchants,
Factors, Writers,
Private trade
aud presents.
Chaplain
an<l School-
niabter,
consultations. A copy of the diary was sent home
every year, together with a general letter review-
ing the proceedings ; in reply a general letter
was received from the Court of Directors. These
records have heen preserved either in India or in
Ensrland dow^n to our own time.
The members of Council were known as Mer-
Those under them were graded as Factors,
Writers, and Apprentices. The salaries were very
small. The Governor of Madras drew only three
hundred pounds a year ; the second in Council drew
one hundred ; the third drew seventy ; and the
fourth only fifty. Factors were paid between twenty
and forty ; Writers received only ten pounds, and
Apprentices only five. But all were lodged and
boarded at the expense of the Company.
The salaries were very low. They were mere
fractions of the real incomes. Fortunes were some-
times acquired by private trade. Every servant
of the Company was alloAved to trade to any port
in the East, so long as he paid the custom duties
levied by the Company, and did not interfere with
the trade between India and Europe. Again, it
was impossible to prevent the receipt of presents
from native merchants and others wlio sold goods
to the Company. Throughout the whole period
of the Company's monopoly there were always
suspicions and complaints under this head.
In addition to the foregoing, there was a Chaplain,
on a hundred a year, who read prayers every day
ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 53
and preached on Sundays. There was also a School-
master, on fifty pounds a year, wlio taught the
children in "White Town. He was directed to teach
Portuguese and native children, provided they
were also taught the principles of Christianity
according to the Church of England.
The administration of iustice by the Collector of AHmiuistration
*^ of justice.
Customs was of a primitive character. As far as
natives were concerned there was no difficulty. As
Magistrate in Black Town, he flogged, imprisoned,
or fined at discretion. But Europeans were dealt
with in a different manner. The Governor and
Council became the judges ; and twelve men were
summoned to serve as jurors.
In the White Town the public peace was main- Native police.
tained by the Agent, as commander of the garrison.
In the Black Town it was kept by a native public
officer known as the Pedda Naik. In the early days
of the settlement, twenty native servants, known
as peons, sufficed to keep the peace. Subsequently
the number was increased to fifty. In return
the Pedda Naik was granted some rice-fields rent
free ; also some petty duties on rice, fish, oil, and
betel-nut. The office of Pedda Naik soon be-
came hereditary after native fashion. It also
drifted into native ways. The Pedda Naik and
his peons came to an understanding with the
thieves. They suffered thieves to escape on con-
dition of receiving half of the stolen goods.
They imprisoned the people who were robbed, in
order to prevent their complaining to the Agent.
54
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,
The discovery led to a cliange. The Pedda Naik
was bound over to make good all losses by theft ;
and the new system seems to have worked satis-
factorily.
Morals. Thc ncighbourhood of Black Town was not
conducive to the morals of the Eort. The younger
men would climb over the walls at night time,
and indulge in a round of dissipation. There
were houses of entertainment known as punch
houses. They are still called punch houses. They
took their name from the Indian drink concocted
by the convivial Factors at Surat. As already
shown, it was an essentially Indian drink called by
the Hindustani name which sisjnifies " five."
Dr. Eryer visited Madras about the year 1674.
He thus describes the place and its surroundings : —
" I went ashore in a Mussoola, a boat wherein ten men
jiadclle^ the two aftermost of whom are the steers-men, using
their paddles instead of a rudder : The boat is not strength-
ened wuth knee-timber, as ours are ; the bended planks
are sowed together with rope-yarn of the coeoe, and
calked with dammar (a sort of rosin taken out of the sea)
so artificially, that it jields to every ambitious surf, other-
wise we could not get asliore, the Bar knocking in pieces
all that are inflexible : Moving towards the shore, we let
St. Thomas, which lies but three miles to the south of
Maderas, and Fort St. George in the midway Maderas river
in great rains opens its mouth into the sea ; having first
saluted the banks of Fort St. George on the west : Towards
the sea the sand is cast up into a rampire, from whence
the fluid artillery discharges itself upon us, and we on the
shoulders of the blacks must force our way through it.
Landed, arc wcH " Thougli We landed wet, the sand was scalding hot, which
•wetted at Fort ° ' o ->
St. George. made me recollect my st<:'ps, aud hasten to the Fort. As
Fryer's visit
about 1674.
Went ashore in
a boat called a
Ik] ussoola.
ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 55
it looked on the water, it appeared a place of good force.
The outwork is walled with stone a good heighth, thick
enough to blunt a caunon-bulletj kept by half a dozen
ordnance at each side the water-gate, besides an half -moon
of fire-guns. At both points are mounted twelve guns
eying the sea, Maderas, and St. Thomas; under these in
a line stand pallisadoes, reaching from the wall to the sea ;
and hedge in at least a mile of ground. On the south
side they have cut a ditch of sufficient depth and breadth
to prevent scaling the wall, which is a quarter of a mile
in length afore it meets with a third point or bastion,
facing St. Thomas, and the adjacent fields ; who suffer a
deluge when the rains descend the hills. From this
point to the fourth, where are lodged a dozen guns more
that grin upon Maderas, runs no wall, but what the in-
habitants compile for their gardens and houses planted
all along the river parallel with that, that braces the sea.
From the first point a curtain is drawn with a parapet;
beneath it are two gates, and sally ports to each for to enter
!Maderas ; over the gates five guns run out their muzzels,
and two more within them on the ground.
" Over all these the Fort it self lifts up its fonr turrets. The Fort de-
e very point of which is loaded with ten guns alike: On the
south-east point is fixed the standard ; the forms of the
bastions are square, sending forth curtains fringed with
battlements from one to the other; in whose interstitiums
whole culverin are traversed. The Governor's house in
the middle overlooks all, slanting diagonally with the court.
Entering the garrison at the out-gate towards the sea, a
path of broad polished stones spreads the way to pass the
second guard into the Fort at an humble gate ; opposite
to this, one more stately fronts the High-street; on both
sides thereof is a court of guard, from whence, for every
day's duty, are taken two hundred men : There being in
pay for the Honourable East India Company of English
and Portuguez 700, reckoning the Moutrosses and Gunners.
56 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Neat Dwellings. " The streets are sweet and clean, ranked with fine mansions
of no extraordinary height (because a garrison-town) though
heauty, which they conciliate, by the battlements and
terrace walks on every house, and rows of trees before
their doors, whose Italian porticos make no ordinary con-
veyance into their houses, built with brick and stone.
Portuguese " Edifices of common note are none, except a small Chapel
Chapel. -r-r. 1 1-1 n*-
the Fortugals are admitted to say Mass m.
" Take the town in its exact proportion, and it is oblong.
The English *"' The truc possessoi's of it are the English, instaled therein
masters ot J- o .<
Madras. ]^y qi^q of their Naiks or Prince of the Hindoos 90 years
ago, 40 years before their total subjection to the Moors j^
who likewise have since ratified it by a patent from Golconda,
only paying 7000 pagocls yearly for royalties and customs
that raises the money fourfold to the Company ; whose
Sir William Agcut here is Sir William Langhorn, a gentleman of inde-
' fatigable industry and worth. He is Superintendent over
all the Factories un the Coast of Coromandel, as far as
the Bay of Bengala, and up Huygly river (which is one
of the falls of Ganges, viz.. Fort St. George alias ]\Iaderas,
Pettipolee, Mechlapatan, Gundore, Medapollon, Balisore,
Bengala, Huygly, Castle Bazar, Pattana. He has his Mint,
and privilege of coining ; the country stamp is only
a Fanam, which is 2)d. of gold ; and their Cask, twenty
of which go to a Fanam. Moreover he has his Justiciaries ;
to give sentence, but not on life and death to the King's
liege people of England ; though over the rest they may.
His personal guard consists of 300 or 400 Blacks; besides a
band of 1500 men ready on summons : He never goes
abroad without fifes, drums, trumpets, and a flag with two
balls in a red field; accompanied with his Council and
Factors on horseback, with their Ladies in paleukeens.
' Dr. Fryer is mistakon in his chronology. Madras was founded about
thirty-five years before his visit. He is also mistaken about the rent paid to
Golkonda, which was only twelve hundred pagodas.
ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 5*7
" The English here are Protestants, the Portugals Papists,
who have their several Orders of Fryers; who, to give
them their due, compass sea and land to make proselytes,
many of the natives being brought in by them.
" The number of Ensrhsh here may amount to three hundred ; Number of
11 i-ncii-i English and
of Portuguez as many thousand, who made Fort St. George Portugais.
their refuge, when they were routed from St.. Thomas by the
Moors about ten years past, and have ever since lived under
protection of the English.
" Thus have you the limits and condition of the English
town : Let us now pass the pale to the heathen town,
only parted by a wide parade, which is used for a bazar,
or market-place.
" The Native town of Maderas divides itself into divers Black Town.
long streets, and they are checquered by as many transverse.
It enjoys some Choultries for Places of Justice ; one Exchange ;
one Pagoda, contained in a square stone-wall ; wherein are
a number of Chapels (if they may be comprehended under
that class, most of them resembling rather monuments for
the dead, than places of devotion for the living), one for
every Tribe; not under one roof, but distinctly separate, visited a Pagoda
though altogether, they bear the name of one entire Pagoda. Tempie.
The work is inimitably durable, the biggest closed up with
arches continually shut, as where is supposed to be hid their
Mammon of unrighteousness (they burying their estates
here when they die, by the persuasion of their priests,
towards their inatieum for another state) admitting neither
light nor air, more than what the lamps, always burning,
are by open funnels above suffered to ventilate : By which
custom they seem to keep alive that opinion of Plato, in such a
revolution to return into the world again, after their trans-
migration, according to the merits of their former living.
Those of a minuter dimension were open, supported by
slender straight and round pillars, plain and uniform up to
the top, where some hieroglyphical portraiture lends its
assistance to the roof, flat, with stones laid along like planks
upon our rafters. On the walls of good sculpture were
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
The English
Tombs.
The Enf^lish
OardeuB.
many images : The floor is stoned, they are of no great
altitude ; stinking most egregiously of the oil they waste
iu their lamps, and besmear their beastly gods with : Their
outsides shew workmanship and cost enough, wrought round
with monstrous eflSgies; so that oleum et operam perdere,
pains and cost to no purpose, may not improperly be apjilied
to them. Their gates are commonly the highest of the work,
the others concluding in shorter piles.
"Near the outside of the town the English Golgotha,
or place of sculls, presents variety of tombs, walks and
sepulchres ; which latter, and they stand in a Ime, are an
open cloyster; but succinctly and precisely a Quadrngone
with hemispherical apartitions; on each side adorned with
battlements to the abutment of every angle, who bear up
a coronal arch, on whose vertex a globe is rivited by an iron
wedge sprouting into a branch ; paved underneath with a
great black stone, whereon is engraved the name of the party
interred. The buildings of less note are low and decent ; the
town is walled with mud, and bulwarks for watch-places
for the English Peons; only on that side the sea washes it,
and the Fort meets it. On the north are two great gates
of brick, and one on the west, where they wade over the
river to the washermen's town.
" Without the town grows their rice, which is nourished
by the letting in of the water to drown it : Round about it
is bestrewed with gardens of the English ; where, besides
gourds of all sorts for stews and pottage, herbs for sallad,
and some few flowers, as jassamin, for beauty and delight;
flourish pleasant topes of plantains, cocoes, guiavas, a kind
of pear, jawks, a coat of armour over it like an hedge-hog's,
guards its weighty fruit, oval without for the length of a
span, within in fashion like squils parted; mangos, the
deiij^ht of India, a plum, pomegranets, bananas, which are a
sort of plantain, though less, yet much more grateful ; betel,
which last must not be slipt by in silence : It rises out of
the ground to twelve or fourteen feet heighth, the body of
it green and slender, jointed like a cane, the boughs flaggy
ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 59
and spreading", under whose arms it brings forth from its
pregnant womb (which bursts when her month is come) a
cluster of green nuts, like wallnuts in green shells, but
different in the fruit; which is hard when dried, and looks like
a nutmeg.
"The Natives chew it with CUnam (lime of calcined what Pawn is.
oyster-shells) and Arach, a convolvulus with a leaf like the
largest ivy for to preserve their teeth, and correct an un-
savoury breath : If swallowed, it inebriates as much as
tobacco. Thus mixed, it is the only Indian entertainment,
called Pawn.
"These plants set in a row, make a grove that might delude
the fanatic multitude into an opinion of their being sacred ;
and were not the mouth of that grand impostor hermetically
sealed up, where Christianity is spread, these would still con-
tinue, as it is my fancy they were of old, and may still be the
laboratories of his fallacious oracles: For they masquing- the
face of day, beget a solemn reverence, and melancholy habit
in them that resort to them ; by representing the more in-
ticing place of zeal, a Cathedral, with all its pillars and
pillasters, walks and choirs ; and so contrived, that whatever
way you turn, you have an even prospect.
" But not to run too far out of Maderas before I give you Nature of the
an account of the people ; know they are under the bondage
with the Moors, were not that alleviated by the power of the
English, who command as far as their guns reach : To them
therefore they pay toll, even of cowdung (which is their
chiefest fireing), a prerogative the Dutch could never obtain
in this kingdom, and by this means acquire great estates
without fear of being molested. Their only merchants being
Gentues, forty Moors having hardly cohabitation with them,
though of the natives 30,000 are employed in this their
monopoly.
" The country is sandy, yet plentiful in provisions ; in all The country.
places topes of trees, among one of which, on the top of a
withered stump sate perching a Chamelion, clasping with its
claws its rotten station, filling himself with his aerial food,
60
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
St. Thom^.
History of
Si. Thomas.
St. Thomas
Cbristiuui).
a banquet wliich most other creatures else arise an hungered
from : But to be confirmed in the truth of what we have only
by ti'adition, I caused a Black who had a bow there, to fell
him with an earthen pellet, which when he had, and after a small
time he revived, and making a collar of straw for his neck,
he carried him to my lodgings, where I dieted him a month
on the same provaut. That he changes his colours at a con-
stant time of the day, is not to be contradicted ; but whether
he live by the air alone, I will not stand to it, unless there
were a dearth of flies in the country : though for my part I
never did see him eat any. In shape he comes nearest a newt ;
with his lungs his body does agitate itself up to its neck ; he
crawls on all four, and has a tail longer than his body, which
all together was no more than half a foot ; he has teeth, and
those sharp /^
Dr. Fryer also furnislies the following curious
particulars respecting St Thome : —
" St. Thomas is a city that formerly for riches, pride, and
luxury, was second to none in India; but since, by the
mutability of fortune, it has abated much of its adored
excellencies.
" The sea on one side greets its marble walls, on the other a
chain of hills intercepts the violence of the inflaming heat ;
one of which, called St. Thomas his Mount, is famous for
his sepulture (in honour of whom a chapel is dedicated, the
head priest of which was once the Metropolitan Bishop of
India), and for a tree called Arbor Trislis, which withers
in the day, and blossoms in the night.
" About this Mount live a cast of people, one of whose legs
is as big as an elephant's; which gives occasion for the
divulging it to be a judgment on them, as the generation of
the assassins and murtherers of the blessed Apostle St.
Thomas, one of whom I saw at Fort St. George.
"Within the walls seven Churches answer to as many gates;
the rubbish of whose stupendous heaps do justify the truth
of what is predicated in relation to its pristine state,
" The builders of it were the Portug'als. "
ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 61
Such was the condition of Madras hetween 1670
and 1677, as told by Dr. Fryer. It may now be as
well to glance at the general daily life of the
English at Madras, as it is told in the Government
records.
" Madras iu the
Olden Time."
CHAPTER IV.
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA.
1670—1688.
TIIE Madras records were investigated by the
present writer seventeen years ago. At that time
he published a number of extracts in three volumes
under the title of "Madras in the Olden Time."
The mass of these extracts has but httle interest
outside the Madras Presidency. It wiU be easy to
indicate their subject matter by the following nar-
rative, which has been drawn up from the earlier
records, and in which a selection of the more
interesting extracts will be found incorporated.
^r'^l*:''",'??*;?* Su' "William Langhorn. was Governor of Madras
of Sir UiUiam '-'
m^-iek from 1670 to 1677. He was present at Madi'as
at the time of Pryer's visit. He is indeed duly
noticed by Pryer. The times were stormy. Charles
the Second had been ten years on the throne of
England. There was an alliance between England
and Prance against the Dutch.
French invasion. A PrcDch flcct ai'rivcd iu luclia. A Prench
force landed at St. Thome, and took the place
by storm. The Muhammadan army of Golkonda,
under the command of a General named Bobba
Sahib, was endeavouring to recover St. Thome
from the Prench.
Matirns in Sir William Langhorn was thus hemmed around
with dangers. He dared not help tlic Prench lest
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 63
he should provoke the wrath of Bobba Sahib.
Meanwhile, Bobba Sahib was angry because the
English would not join him with men and guns to
fight against the Prench. All this while a Dutch
fleet was cruising of? the coast of Coromandel. The
Dutch fleet had attacked the French at St. Thome,
but was repulsed. It was daily expected that the
Dutch would attack Fort St. George.
At this juncture Sir William Langhorn resolved uobba sawb.
in Council to propitiate Bobba Sahib by sending
him a present of scarlet broadcloth and looking-
glasses. Bobba Sahib, however, was still as angry
as ever. In after years Bobba Sahib had cause to
regret this exhibition of hostility, as will be seen by
the following extract from the consultations of
the Agency, dated 6th May 1678 :—
'' Bobba Sahib, formerly General of the King of Golconda's
force against the French at St. Thome, and in those daj-s a
bitter enemy to the English, but now in disgrace and debt,
has been some days here trying all ways to borrow money,
and to have an interview with the Governor, which is refused
him by reason of his former unkindnesses when he was in
power, and he in despair quits the place for Pullimalee, intend-
ing to go to his own country .'^
A year and a half passed away, and the French proposed aban.
still remained in possession of St. Thome. Within ^-•'dr'is. "
that time they had established a camp at Triplicane,
the Muhammadan quarter of Madras ; and fortified
it far more strongly than the English were fortified
at Fort St. George. Sir William Langhorn and his
Council were at one time contemplating the advis-
ability of abandoning Madraspatanam altogether ;
04 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
but afterwards decided on more energetic measures.
At a Consultation held on the 2nd Eebruary 1674,
it was recorded that the interests of the Honorable
Company, as well as the lives of the residents at
the Presidency, were staked upon the issue of
the siege. Their enemies at sea and land were
within musket-shot ; their walls were slight and
tottering ; they were pestered with the great native
town close to them ; and the Dutch Governor-
General was daily expected with a large fleet.
Under these circumstances they resolved, after
mature consideration, to enlarge and strengthen
their fortifications as much as possible ; but their
efforts in this direction do not seem to have much
increased their strength, or to have rendered
them more independent of the belligerent powers.
Pour [Frenchmen froui Java were staying in Port
St. George ; and in May, the Dutch and Mussul-
mans peremptorily demanded their removal. Por a
long time Sir William Langhorn refused to comply,
because of the English alliance with Prance ; but
at last the Muhammadan army fairly laid siege
to Port St. George, and would hear of no further
delay. The Prenchmen, on their part, refused to
leave the place unless they were permitted to go
to St. Thome, and there the Dutch and Muham-
madans would not allow them to proceed. At last,
the President in Council resolved to send them
under passports and an escort to Bijapore, another
Muhammadan kincrdom in the Western Dekhan.
There they seem to have gone, loudly protesting,
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 65
however, against the proceeding, Inasmuch as
they were subjects of the King of France, a friend
and ally of the Crown of England.
Eor two years the French held possession of surrender of he
Frcncli
St. Thome. At length, on the 26th August 1674,
they surrendered to the Dutch, on the condition
that the garrison should be transported to Europe.
Fortunately for the Madras Agency, at that mo- Poace with the
'in 1 Dutch.
ment the news arrived from Europe that m the pre-
ceding January peace had been concluded between
England and Holland. But for the happy peace, the
Dutch would have followed up the capture of St.
Thome with the siege of Fort St. George ; and there
can be little doubt that the fall of the place would
have followed, for the fortifications were still but
weak, and there were only two hundred and fifty
men in garrison.
Sir William Langhorn was a disciplinarian in Moral rules
his way. He tried to promote public morals by lay-
ing down the following rules. As far as drinking
was concerned they were certainly liberal ; but
those were the days of Merrie King Charles.
No one person was to be allowed to drink above
half a pint of arrack or brandy and one quart of
wine at one time, under a penalty of one pagoda
upon the housekeeper that supplied it, and twelve
fanams upon every guest that had exceeded that
modest allowance. Drunkenness was to be punished
by a fine and the stocks. All persons addicted in
any way to the social evil were to be imprisoned
E
QQ EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
at the discretion of the Governor, and if not re-
claimed were to be sent back to England. All
persons telling a lie, or absenting themselves from
morning or evening prayers, were to be fined four
fanams for each ofPence. Persons being out of
White Town after eight o'clock, would be punished ;
and any one committing the heinous ofiFence of
getting over the walls of White Town upon any ]3re-
tence whatever, was to be kept in irons until the
arrival of the ships, and then to be sent to Eng-
land to receive further condign punishment on his
arrival. It was also ordained that all persons swear-
ing, cursing, banning or blaspheming the sacred
name of Almighty God should pay a fine of four
fanams for eacli offence ; that any two persons
who should go out into the fields to decide a
quarrel between them by the sword or fire-arms
should be imprisoned for two months on nothing
but rice and water ; that any soldier giving another
the lie should be made fast to a gun, and there
receive ten blows with a small rattan, well laid on
by the man to whom he had given the lie ; and
that any officer who should in any way connive
at the offence, or at any mitigation of the punish-
ment, should forfeit a month's wages.
Low state of Kotwithstandiug these and other similar rules,
public decorum was often outraged, Brawlings
were not unfrequent, and were by no means con-
fined to the barrrcks, the punch shops, or the
warehouse, but even were to be occasionallv heard
morals.
MADRAS UNDER GOLKOXDA. 67
in the Council chamber itself. One little circum-
stance which took place during the meeting of
Council on 6tli June 1G76, is singularly illus-
trative of the disturbances which occasionally
arose. Nathaniel Keeble, buyer of jewels, uttered
some provocative words concerning the wife of
Mr. IlerrieSj a member of Council. Herries was
of course present, and a fight took place in the
Council chamber. The combatants were soon
parted by the Governor and Council ; but Keeble
had received a bloody nose from the clenched fist of
the indis^nant husband, and swore to be reveuired
upon him though he were hanged for it. Herries
then swore the peace against Keeble, and the Gover-
nor ordered the latter to be confined to his chamber
until he had furnished security that he would
keep the peace for the future. The same day, how-
ever, Keeble broke from his arrest, leaped down
the Eort walls, and sprained his leg; and was
accordingly ordered to be confined in the " Lock
house" until the arrival of the ships, when he
could be dispatched to England. The next day,
however, the whole matter was arranged. Natha-
niel Keeble sent in his humble submission and
promised amendment, and the Government merci-
fully forgave him. Incidents such as these are
sufficient to prove that, however strict rules might
be laid down, yet the times were as lawless in Fort
St. George as they were in Covent Garden or the
Strand. That they were not worse is abundant-
ly proved by the character of the literature and
68
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH IXDIA.
Eev. Patrick
Warner.
condition of the people of England during the reign
of the second Charles.
About this period a certain Reverend Patrick
Warner was Chaplain at Fort St. George. He
was much shocked at the low state of the morals
in the settlement. He Avas also alarmed at the
countenance which Sir William Langhorn had
given to the Ptoman Catholics. It appears that
the Portuguese had built and consecrated a new
church within the Port, and that Sir William Lang-
horn had ordered salutes to be fired in honour
of the ceremony. Under these circumstances Mr.
Warner wrote the following letter to the Court
of Directors. It is dated 31st January 1676.
" Right Worshipfuls,
Letters to the
Directors.
Vicious lives.
" It is my trouble that I have so little acquaintance "with
your Worships, because of this I could not take the confi-
dence of writing to you, nor had I auythiug worth the
writing, having tiien remained so short a while in this place ;
but now having been a servant under you in the ministry of
the Gospel some considerable time, I have to my grief met
with that w'hich maketh me, contrary to my inclination,
break off my silence, and give you the ti'ouble of these lines.
" I have the charity to believe that most of you have so
much zeal for God, and for the credit of religion, that your
heads would be fountains of water, and eyes rivers of tears,
did you really know how much God is dishonoured, his
name blasphemed, religion reproached amongst ihe Gentiles,
by the vicious lives of many of your servants. Did I not
therefore complain of them, I should not be faithful either
to God or you, or to their own souls. And if it be not a
desire to approve m3'self in some measure faithful unto all
those, God the searcher of hearts and tryer of reins will one
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 69
day discover, if it be not, I say, such a desire that moves
me to the present undertaking-.
" It may be for a lamentation to hear and see the horrid Drunkenness,
swearing and profanation of the name of God, the woful and
abominable drunkenness and uncleanness that so much reign
and rage among the soldiery; and these not secretly or
covertly, but as it were in the siglit of the sun, and men
refuse therein to be ashamed, neither can they blush/'
■5f ^ * * -x-
" Most of those women are popish christians ; and if those Popery,
that marry them do not fall into the former inconveniences,
they hardly escape being seduced by their wives and wives'
families into popery. There have not been wanting in-
stances of this also. Since I entered into this place, I have
constantly refused to celebrate any such marriages except
one that I was urged into, and this not before she had
solemnly and before several witnesses renounced popery,
and promised to attend upon ordinances with us ; but she
had not been many weeks married when at the instiga-
tion of some popish priests here she perfidiously fell from
those promises.
"I wish your Worships may consider it be not requisite to EtII nwrriagea.
inhibit such marriages, for the children turn either infidels
or popish. I do also earnestly wish there may be more
inspection taken what persons you send over into these
places ; for there come hither some thousand murderers, some
men stealers, some popish, some come over under the notion
of single persons and unmarried, who yet have their wives
in England, and here have been married to others, with
whom they have lived in adultery ; and some on the other
hand have come over as married persons, of whom there are
strange suspicions they were never married. These and
other abuses there are among the soldiery. There are also
some of the Writers who by their lives are not a little
scandalous to the Christian religion, so sinful in their drunken-
ness that some of them play at cards and dice for wine that
they may drink, and afterwards th rowing the dice which
70
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Neglect of
public worsbip.
Immorality of
tiie rew.
shall pay all^ and sometimes who shall driuk all, by which
some are forced to drink until they he worse than beasts.
Others pride themselves in makini: others drink till they be
insensible, and then strip them naked and in that posture
cause them to be carried thi'oug-h the streets to their
dwelling place. Some of them, with other persons whom
they invited, once went abroad to a garden not far off,
and there continued a whole day and nig'ht drinking most
excessively, and in so much that one of the number died
within a very few days after, and confessed he had con-
tracted his sickness by that excels, A person worth}'- of
credit having occasion to go the next day into the same
garden could number by the heads 36 bottles, and the best
of his judgment they were all pottles, for it is their frequent
custom to break bottles as soon as they have drunk the wine,
and this they have done sometimes within the walls of the
Fort, and withal, sing and carouse at very unseasonable hours.
And this their drunke?iness is not alone, but in some attended
with its ordinary concomitant uncleanness.^'
■5t -x- -Jf * *
" They can find time and leisure for these things, but cannot
find any time or leisure for the worship of God, which is
exceedingly neg-lected by all, notwithstanding your orders
to the contrar3\ I have sometimes, having waited long
enough, been forced at length to begin duty with only three
or four persons present, and when we have done there hath
not been above twelve or thirteen in all ; but who amongst
the Writers are most guilty in this, your Worships may know
by the enclosed list of their absence taken by me indifferently,
some appointed thereunto by the Governors; of others no
account is taken.
" But because it is no less a sin to condemn the just than
to justify the wicked, I must bear witness for most of the
j-oung men, that they cannot, to the best of my knowledge,
be accused of the former enormities. There are but a few
of them that are guilty in the manner before described ;
whose names I would have inserted, that so I might clear the
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 71
others, but that tliey have been lately sick, and some small
hopes there are that they may amend ; they have given some
ground to expect it. But i£ tliey shall return with the dog
to the vomitj I will, if it please God to spare me so long,
give your Worships a more full account thereof by word of
mouth, upon my arrival with the next ships; for as you
have already been informed, I intend to return with them,
and 1 hope with your good leave so to do. Therefore what
I have written may in charity be supposed, not to proceed
from expectation of any advantage to myself, but from
respect to the glory of God, and their good, and the encour-
agement of succeeding* ministers.
" I did write, what the last year's ships give an account, in saiuteata
a letter to Captain Broockman, upon the civil usage I met
with from the Governor and others of Council, and indeed
generally from all as to mine own person, which I do not
now retract, only I could wish they were more zealous.
When I have complained of those former abuses, I have
been told by several that persons here are a good deal more
civilised than formerly they have been. If it be so, there
is a great cause to admire the patience and long suffering
of God, but withal cause to fear that if those things be not
reformed He will not always keep silence. The Governor
I understand hath refused to listen to any that would prevent
his firing of great guns, and then vollies of small shot by
all the soldiers in garrison, at the consecration of a popish
church within tlie walls ; if he be therein acquitted by you
I have no more to say, but pray that God himself would dis-
countenance that idolatry and superstition so much counten-
anced by others, and prevent the hurt that may redound to
the place and to your interests thereby.
" One Mr. Mallory, formerly Surgeon's mate in the Presi- Maiiory and
dent and now Surgeon's mate in this place, and another,
Barnes, who formerly went to sea as master of some small
vessel, but having wasted the money entrusted to him, lives
now idly and out of any employment. These two are con-
stant companions with any of the young men in whatever
72 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,
debaucheries they were guilty of, and it gives ground for sus-
picion that they may be guilty of enticing them thereunto.
Warner's return. " There are some other things that I would humbly have
remonstrated to your Worships, but because I intend, if it
shall so please God, to see you with the next ships, at which
time if it be acceptable it may more conveniently be done.
I do therefore at present forbear, only praying that God
would continue to prosper your undertaking and enable you
faithfully to design His glory therein, and lead you to the
reasonable means that may conduce to His glory, in the en-
couragement of godliness, and restraint of sin in these places
where your power reacheth. I am or desire to be.
Right worshipf uls,
Your faithful servant.
According to my station,
Patrick Warner.
Madras,
January Slst 1676."
Change of Sir William Langliorn left Madras in 1677.
Governors at
Madras. -^q ^^g succGeded by a gentleman named Mr.
Streynsliam Masters. It was at this period that
Sivaji, the founder of the Mahratta empire, attain-
ed the height of his power. He had assumed all
the insignia of a great Eaja ; and, as already seen,
an English deputation from Bombay had been
present at his coronation. Suddenly he entered
upon a campaign which is a marvel in history. It
was more than equivalent to marching an army
from Bombay to Madras. He set out from his
country in the Western Ghats ; marched through
the Dekhan from the north-west to the south-east ;
and entered the Peninsula and went to Tan j ore. On
his way he passed by Madras. The entries in the
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 73
diary or consultation books of the Madras Presidency
will show the general state of alarm : —
"14th May 1677. — Having this day received a message sivaji, the Mah
and a letter from Sevaji Raja by a Brahmin and two others
of his people, requesting some cordial stones and counter
poisons, we resolved to send him some, together with a civil
letter, by a messenger of our own, as a small present, to-
gether with some such fruit as these gardens afford, and
to bestow upon his Brahmin three yards of broad cloth and
some sandalwood, not thinking it good to require the money
for so small trifles, although offered in his letter ; considering
how great a person he is, and how much his friendship does
already and may import the Honorable Company as be grows
more and more powerful and obvious to them.'^
The value of the present thus sent to Sivaji is
stated in the records at Madras ; the cost of the
whole was something like sixty pagodas.
A few days afterwards Sivaji sent for more Departore of
cordials and medicines. The English gladly re-
sponded to his request. Indeed, Sivaji was the
terror of India. Madras was constantly alarmed
with rumours that he was about to attack the
Ensjlish and Dutch settlements. After a while
the English were gladdened by the news that the
Mahrattas had retired to their own country after
having some bloody battles with the Naik of
Mysore.
The Mysore ruler was at this period a sovereign condition of
ilysore.
of the same type as Sivaji. His army, like the
Mahratta army, was composed of bandits. They
committed atrocities worse than those of the Mah-
rattas. The following extract from the Consultation
74 EARLY RECORDS OP BRITISH INDIA.
book of January 1679 shows the general character
of their warfare : —
" Their custom is not to kill, but to cut off the noses with
the upper lips of their enemies; for which they carry an
iron instrument with which they do it very dexterously, and
carry away all the noses and lips they despoyle their enemys
of, for which they are rewarded by the Naik of Mj^sore ac-
cording to the number^ and the reward is the greater, if the
beard appear upon the upper lip. This way of warfare is
very terrible to all that those people engage with, so that
none care to meddle with them ; they being also a resohite
people, and have destroyed many that have attempted them,
for thoui^^h they kill them not outrig-ht, yet they die by
lingering' deaths, if they make not themselves away sooner,
as for the most part they do that are so wounded, the shame
and dishonor of it being- esteemed greater than the pain and
difficulty of subsisting/^
The^n^ose-cuttin- Thc account In the Madras records is fully con-
KurXatan. filmed by Dr. Eryer. He refers to the Mysore
ruler as the Raja of Saranpatan, which is doubtless
the same as Seringapatam. The extract is curi-
ous : —
" The Raja of Saranpatan must not be slipped by in silence,
because his way of fighting differs from his neighbours; he
trains up his soldiers to be expert at a certain instrument to
seize on the noses of his enemies with that slight either in
the field or in their camps, that a budget-full of them have
been presented to their Lord for a breakfast ; a thing, because
it deforms them, so abashing, that few care to engage with
him ; and this he makes use of, because it is against his
religion to kill any thing. He enjoys a vast territory on
the back of the Zamerhin.'^
The following miscellaneous extracts will ex-
plain themselves. They also serve to illustrate the
character cf the early Madras records.
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 75
Thursday, 28lh Ocfuher, 1680. — " The uew chnvch was Fouud:>tion of
■' . ... n Protestant
dedicated bv vivhie of commissions directed to the Govern- chmch at
•' _ ... Madras.
ment, and to Mr. Richard Portraan the minister, from his
LordshijD the Bishop of London. The solemnity was pei'-
formed in very g-ood order, and coiichided with vollies of small
shot fired by the whole garrison drawn out, and the cannon
round the Fort, The church named St. Mary's as at first
intended, and from this day forward all public service to be
there performed.
" It is observable that at the dedication of a new church
by the French Padres and Portuguese in 1675, Sir William
Langhorn, then Agent, had fired guns from the Fort; and
yet at this time neither Padre nor Portuguese appeared at the
dedication of our church, nor so much as gave the Governor
a visit afterwards to wish him joy of it.''
Monday, 22nd March, 1680. — '' It fell under consideration Marnasres of
. .,., !•• 1- ^ -L Protestantii and
whether it consisteth with our religion and interest to admit catholics.
of marriages between Protestants and Roman Catholics in
this place, and upon the debate resolved : —
"1st, That it is not against the law of God in Holy
Scripture, nor the laws of England, and hath frequently been
practised in England for Protestants to marry Roman
Catholics.
*' 2nd, That the Roman Catholics of this place, being- the
offspring of foreign nations chieflj^ Portuguese, and born
out of Eng-land, and not liable to the laws of England
provided against Roman Catholics, they always owning
themselves vassals to the King* of Portugal.
" 3rd, That it is our interest to allow of marriages with
them, especially our men with their women, to prevent
wickedness, and in regard there is not English women
enough for the men, and the common soldiers cannot main-
tain English women and children with their pay, as well as
they can the women of the country, who are not so expensive
and not less modest than our ordinary or common people are,
and in matter of marriages we have already gained by them
many hopeful children brought up in the Protestant religion,
76 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
'' It is also further to be remembered that these Romaa
Catholics of the Portui^aese nation were invited hitherto
upon our first settlement ; ground was o-iven them to build
upon ; a church and French Priests were allowed^ to encourage
them to come in and inhabit here ; and they have been loyal
and serviceable in the defence of the place in time of war,
and ai'e a great security to us on that account. Moreover,
our greatest income arises from the customs upon their
commerce."
off^piinsof The Protestant feelings wliicli prevailed at the
mixed marriages.
time were far too strong to permit tliese rules to be
carried out. Two Chaplains were consulted by
the Governor and Council. The following rules
were then added, for the maintenance of Protest-
antism : —
Thursday, 2oth March, 16S0. — "The marriages of Pro-
testants with E/oman Catholics being again taken into con-
sideration, the Honorable Company^s two Chaplains, Mr.
Richard Portman and Mr. R-ichard Elliot, were sent for into
the Council, and upon the debate it is concluded, resolved,
and ordered,
" That upon the marriage of a Protestant with a Roman
Catholic, both the parties to be married shall solemnly promise
before one of the Chaplains of the place by themselves, or
some for them, before the Banns shall be published, and also
in the Chapel or Church by themselves in jjcrson, upon the
day of marriage and before the parties shall be married, that
ALL the children by them begotten and born, shall be brought
up in the Protestant religion, and herein due care shall
always be taken by the overseers of the orphans and the
poor."
Oppression of In 1G80 tlic Enijflish settlement suffered much
LiDgapa. "^
from a Golkonda general, named Lingapa, wlio had
^7^7
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 77
l)een appointed to tlie command of the district.*
His object was to raise the yearly rental from
twelve hundred pagodas to two thousand ; or rather
to threaten to raise it in the hope of procuring a
present for himself. The records are too volumin-
ous for extract. A native officer entered Black
Town with drums beating and a flag flying, as
though he had been high in command. He de-
clared that he had been appointed to take the com-
mand of the town for the Sultan of Golkonda.
The Governor sent three files of soldiers after him
and brought him into the Fort. After a short exa-
mination the man was sent out of the town.
It was soon discovered that Lingapa was at the Embargo on
Madras.
bottom of these proceedings. He placed an em-
bargo upon the English settlement. For months no
goods or provisions were procurable from the sur-
rounding villages. Matters grew so serious that
the English garrison was forced to make raids into
the country to procure provisions and fuel. The
English Governor contemplated leaving Madras alto-
gether, and removing to the country of some Hindu
Kajah further south. The embargo was broken
through, but Lingapa continued to be very trouble-
some. To make matters worse, he protected certain
objectionable ship captains, wlio carried on a trade
with India in defiance of the Company's charter.
The Company had always regarded these interlopers
^ The Sultan of Golkonda was a Shiah Muliaiumadau. The name of
Lingapa shows that he was a Hindu. ^
V
78
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Finnan from
Colkonda.
Troubles at
Aladrus.
as pirates. The Governor of Madras was at last
forced to come to terms with Lingapa. Seven
thousand pagodas were sent to Lingapa, equivalent
to about three thousand pounds sterling. Matters
quieted down at once. Lingapa ceased to protect
the interlopers ; the yearly rent of Madras was again
fixed at twelve hundred pagodas. The Sultan of
Golkonda sent a firman to the Governor of Madras ;
and it will be seen from the following extract that
the firman was received with every lionour : —
Monday, 12lh Novew.bei-, 1663. — " This afternoon at four
o'clock, the Agent and Council (being- attended with the
Factors and Writers, the Company's Merchants and two com-
panies of soldiers) went to the Hon'ble Company's new Garden-
house to receive the King of Golconda's firman ; after
which, at the drinking of the King of Golconda's health, there
was fired three vollies of small shot, and thirty-one great guns.
"When the ceremony was ended, the messenger that brought
the firman attended upon the Agent to the Fort, where after
drinking a health to Madaua and Accana, the Chief Ministers
of State, there was one volley more of small shot fired, and
so the messenger was dismissed for the present."
Not long afterwards there were internal troubles
at Madras. There was a strike about taxes amongst
the men who dyed the native calicoes and were
known by the name of painters. The whole body
left the Company's jurisdiction and went away to St.
Thome. They threatened to murder all the native
servants of the Company who refused to join them.
They also stopped all provisions and goods coming to
the town. The Governor and Council took strong
measures. They entertained a hundred black Portu-
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 79
guese to keep guard over the washers, to prevent
them following the evil example. The wives and
children of the mutineers were taken out of their
bouses in Black Town, and driven into the pagoda.
At last it was proclaimed hy beat of drum that unless
the mutineers delivered themselves up within ten
days, all their houses, goods, and chattels within the
jurisdiction of the Company would be confiscated.
Eight days afterwards the riugleaders were arrested
at St. Thome, and brought within the Company's
territories. They were at once committed to prison ;
the same evening all the rest came into the town
and made their submission.
Meanwhile a new Governor was appointed to Mr. wiinam
^ ^ Gyflford.
Madras. His name was Mr. William Gyfford.
In after years, the Directors referred to him as " our
too easy Agent Gyfford." The origin of this epithet
involves a story.
At this period Mr. Josiah Child was Chairman Mr. .losiah
^ . Child.
of the Court of Directors. Child was a man of
mark, but hard and overbearing in his ways. The
Court of Directors had been anxious to raise a quit
rent from all the householders in Madras, native
and European. They hoped by so doing to defray
the yearly charge for repairs and fortifications.
Mr. Masters had succeeded in raising such a tax ; Local taxes.
not for repairs or fortifications, but for promoting
the sanitation of Black Town. On his departure
all the native inhabitants of Black Town petitioned
against the tax ; and " our too easy x\gent Gyfford"
abolished the tax.
80 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH IXDIA.
Kesointioti of Qq tliG 20th September 1682, the Dh'ectors
the Directors. ■'■
wrote to the GoTernment of Madras as follows : —
" Our meaning' as to the revenue of the town is that one
way or another, by Dutch, Portuguese, or Indian methods,
it should be brought to defray at least the" whole constant
charge of the place, which is essential to all governments
in the world. People protected ought in all parts of the
universe, in some way or other, to defray the charge of their
protection and preservation from wrong and violence. The
manner of raising which revenue we shall leave to your
discretion, as may be most agreeable to the humour of that
people."
Tnand.-ition at Meantime there had been a o^reat inundation of
iludras. "
the sea at Madras. The circumstance is described
in the following entry : —
\ pa
Tuesday, 11th July. — " The sea having for about 10 days
past encroached upon this town, and we, hopiug as it is usual,
that it would retreat again of itself, forbore any remedies
to keep it off j but now that instead of its losing it mightily
gains ground upon us, and that without a speedy course be
taken the town will run an apparent hazard of being swal-
lowed up, for it has undermined even to the veiy walls, and
so deep that it has eaten away below the very foundation of
the town, — and the great bulwark next to the sea side, with-
out a speedy and timely prevention, will certainly, in a day
or two more, yield to its violence : it is therefore ordered
forthwith that the drum be beat to call all coolies, carpenters,
smiths, peons, and all other workmen, and that sufficient
materials be provided, that they may work day and night to
endeavour to put a stop to its fury : for without effectual
means be used in such an eminent danger and exigency, the
town, garrison, and our own lives, considering all the fore-
going circumstances, must needs be very hazardous and in-
secure,"
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. . §1
On the 31st May 1683 the Dh'ectors remarked Directors insist
., / • 11 p 1^ • on local taxation.
on the event m the loilowing terms : —
*' We take notice of the great inuudation that endangered
our Town and Fort^ and we would have you endeavour to
prevent such future accidents by laying such a deep and
strong foundation with chuuam, as you mention, that may
be sufficient in all human probability to prevent damage by
any such accident hereafter. And in all other respects we
would have you to strengthen and fortify our Fort and Town
by degrees, that it may be terrible against the assault of any
Indian Prince and the Dutch power of India, if we should
happen to have any difference with them hereafter. But we
must needs desire you so to contrive your business (but with
all gentleness) that the inhabitants may pay the full charge
of all repairs and fortifications, who do live easier under our
Government than under any Government in Asia, or indeed
under any Government in the known part of the world.
Their saying they pay customs is a frivolous objection, and
relates only to their security at sea under our Passes, and
under the guns of our Fort in port ; but the strong fortifying
of the town, etc., and the raising new works is a security to
their lives, houses, wives, and children, and all that belongs
to them."
These orders were frequently repeated from home. Petition of
—^ NSitivGs of
The results are set forth in the following extracts Madras.
from the Madras Consultations : —
Monday, 4th January 1686. — '' This morning the heads of
the several Castes appeared before the President and Council,
to be heard according to their desire ; and after begging pardon
for the great crime they had committed in raising such a
mutiny, delivered in their Petition, translate whereof is as
follows : —
" ' To the Hon'ble Governor and Council.
" ' The inhabitants of this town declare, that it is now forty
years and upwards, from the foundation of this Fort, and
that they were invited to people and increase the town upon
82 . EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,
the word and favour of the English, under whom they have
till now lived, receiving many honours and favours without
paying any tribute or rent. Only in the time of the past
Governor Mr. Master, who imposed a tax upon arrack, and
upon paddy, and causing us to pay for cleansing the streets ;
also increasing the Choultry customs of goods imported and
exported ; also the rents of the fields of paddy, and ordered
that double custom should he received of tobacco which came
from other places, and because the owners could not pay said
custom, they carried their tobacco to St. Thome, by which
means the Choultry hath been hindered of the customs for-
merly paid. Also the close siege this Town suffered, which
upon your Honour's arrival was taken off, whereby this
Town was newly revived from death to life, hoping that your
Honour would have relieved us from all tributes and rents ;
but insteaa thereof we find you go about to impose and
increase other new tributes upon our houses, which can in
no wise be, nor ought your Honour to do it. Wherefore we
beg your Honour for the sake of the most high God, and in
the name of the most serene King of England and of the
Hon^ble Company, that you will free this Town from so
heavy a yoke, as is this tax laid upon our houses, seeing we
are a poor people, and live upon our labour and trouble ; this
Town having the fame, and is called place of Charity, and
we shall live confident in your favours and assistances, and
the whole Town lightened by your goodness, as they hope
from your Honour.
" ' Signed by the heads of the several Castes underwritten,
viz., chuliars, painters, tailors, husbandmen, coolies, washers,
barbers, pariahs, comities, oilmakers, fruiterers, shepherds,
potmakers, muckwas, patanava, tiaga, cavaree, nugabunds,
pally, goldsmiths, chitties, weavers.'
Proceedings of " Upou perusal of said Petition, the President and Coun-
Co'\ernm^t. cil told them, that it did not lie in their power totally to
excuse them from contributing towards the charges of this
Garrison, in regard it was the Right Honorable Company's
positive orders, they commanding to have the Black Town
walled round at the charge of the Inhabitants ; and there
MADEAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 83
was *iio remedy but that they must be conformable tliereuuto,
it being a very small matter, only three fanams a year for a
small house, six fanams for a middle size bouse, and nine fanams
for a great house, which could be no burthen to them. But
they continued very obstinate, and declared themselves un-
willing and unable to pay, for reasons given in their Petition;
and further that it v/ould breed a custom, and they feared it
would be increased hereafter. But it was still replied it
must be done, and they as positive on the other hand refused,
offering two of their heads, if that would satisfy, to excuse
them from this tribute and heavy yoke, as they call it.
After which they were one by one asked whether they would
leave the town, make war upon us, or submit to our orders
and government ; to which they every one answered they
would submit, but on a sudden all at once denied what they
had said, and that they would not pay do what we would to
them ; which forced us to cause the drum to beat, and declare
our resolution that we would execute our orders declared to
them yesterday by beat of drum of pulling down their houses,
selling their lands, and banislnng them the place. Which
when they perceived us so much in earnest, at last submitted,
promising to be obedient to our government, and that they
would take off the prohibition laid upon their people and our
prohibitions, and that all things should be at peace and quiet.
So they were dismissed, and after awhile, the shops were
opened, provisions brought in, and the washer-men, muckwas,
catamaran-men, coolies, and servants returned to their several
businesses ; and now it only remains that they be obedient
in paying their contributions.''^
There are various entries in the Madras Con- siavc trade
Madras
sultation Books respecting slaves. Tliey are print-
ed together in the present place, as they throve
considerable light upon the puhlic opinion of the
time as regards slaves : —
Monday, 18th 8e])temleY 1683. — "There being great
number of slaves yearly exported from this place, to the
ade at \/^
84 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
great grievance of many persons whose children are •very
commonly privately stolen away from them, by those who
are constant traders in this way, the Agent and Council,
considering the scandal that might accrue to the Government,
and the great loss that many parents may undergo by such
actions, have ordered that no more slaves be sent off the
shore again/^
Monday, 13th November 1683. — " An Order in English,
Portuguese, Gentoo \i. e., Tamil] , and Malabar, for the pre-
venting the transportation of this country people by sea and
making them slaves in other countries, was read and past and
ordered to be hung up in four public places of this town.
The contents are as followeth : —
" Whereas formerly there hath been an ill custom in this
place of shipping off this country people, and making them
slaves in other strange countries. We, therefore, the present
Governor and Council of Fort St. George, have taken the
same into our serious consideration, and do hereby order that,
for the future, no such thing be done by any person whatso-
ever, resident in this place. And we do hereby also stiictly
command all our officers by the water side, whether they be
English, Portuguese or Gentoos \i. e., Tamil-speaking Hindus],
to do their utmost endeavours to prevent the same ; or else
suffer such punishment, either in body or goods, as we shall
think fit to inflict upon them. And if any person, being an
inhabitant of this Town of Madraspatanam, shall hereafter
presume clandestinely to do anything contrary to this our
order, by shipping such slaves of this country and it be
proved against him, — he shall pay for every slave so shipped
off or sent away, fifty pagodas, to be recovered of him in the
Choultry of Madraspatanam ; one-third for the use of the
Honorable East India Company, one-third to the poor, and
one-third to the informer.'^
Monday, 1st August 1683. — " The trade in slaves grow-
ing great from this Port, by reason of the great plenty of
poor, by the sore famine, and their cheapness, — it is ordered
for the future that each slave sent off this shore pay one
MADEAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 85
pagoda custom to the Rig-lit Honorable Company, and that
the Justices do receive no more tor the usual fee for register-
ing and passport, than two fanams a head till the Council
shall think fit to alter it as formerl}'/''
Thursday, 29th September 1687. — " We do now order that
Mr. Eraser (who being Land Customer has the best oppor-
tunity for it) do buy forty young sound slaves for the Right
Honorable Company, and dispose them to the several Mussoo-
la Boats, two or three in each, in charge of the Chief man of
the Boat, to be fed and taught by them ; and to encourage their
care therein, it is ordered a short red broad cloth coat be
given to each Chief man ; and that the Right Honorable
Company's mark be embroidered with silk on their backs
with the number of their rank and the boat, which are also
to be so numbered, whereby we shall have them at better
command, our business go more currently on, and easier
thereby discover their thieveries/'
Thursday, 2nd February 1688. — '' In consideration of the
several inconveniences that have happened by the exporta-
tion of children stolen from their parents, to prevent which
for the future, — it is ordered that no slaves shall be shipped
off or transported, except such who are first examined by the
Justices of the Choultry, and their several names registered
in a book for that purpose ; for which the Justices are to
receive two fanams for each slave. And whosoever shall
offend against this same rule, and shall be convicted of
stealing people, are to pay for the first fault five pagodas,
and for the next to lose their ears in the pillory. And
this order shall be fixed upon the several gates and in the
Choultry.''
Monday, 14th May 1688. — " The custom by the export- Final prohibi.
ation of slaves here, being now of little advantage to the trade.
Right Honorable Company by their scarcity, and it having
brought upon us great complaints and troubles from the
country government, for the loss of their children and
servants spirited and stolen from them, which being likely to
increase, by the new government of the Mogul's who are
86
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Oolkonda
threatened by
Aiirungzeb.
iLStruelionsof
the Directors.
very averse, and prohibit all such trade in his dominions_, and
has lately expressed his displeasure therein against the Dutch
for their exporting of slaves from Metchlepatam. To prevent
which prejudice and mischiefs for the future, and we having
received a late letter from the Seer Lascar about it, — it is
agreed and ordered that, after the 20th instant, no person
inhabitant of tliis place, either Christian or other, do directly
or indirectly buy or transport slaves from this place or any
adjacent Port (whereby the Government may be any ways
troubled or prejudiced) upon the penalty of fifty pagodas for
each slave bought and transported against this our order.
But in consideration that several persons in town have
formerly bought slaves which still remain by them, by reason
of their sickness or want of opportunity to transport them : —
It is agreed tbat they be permitted to ship off such slaves,
provided they give a list of them to the Justices of the
Choultry, and produce them publicly there, to be duly ex-
amined and registered. And the better to prevent any
demands nj)on them hereafter, the Justices are ordered to
proclaim the same by beat of drum; that no person may
pretend ignorance thereof, and that all may come and make
their demands for children and slaves stolen, and upon due
proof, they be delivered to them free of charge.^'
Meanwhile tliere had been a great change in the
political horizon. In 1685, the Sultan of Golkonda
was assailed by the jMoghul Emperor Aurungzeb.
The details of the war are of no interest. The
Sultan, however, was in sore extremity ; he called
upon the English at Madras to help him against
the Moghul. The point is only important from its
having elicited the following remarks from the
Court of Directors ; they are evidently penned by
Mr. Josiah Child : —
" We know the King of Golcouda is rich enough to pay
for any assistance you give him, either in diamonds or
MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 87
pagodas ; and therefore we intend to be at no charge for his
assistance against the Moguls but what he shall pay us for
beforehand, or put diamonds into your hands for the security
of our payment, both principal and interest.
" For the King of Golconda's writing to you^ you may Encriish defy the
!•• 1 T n • ■l^ jij Sultan of
acquaint him in a decent and inendly manner^ that we are Goikonfia,
none of his subjects ; wherein we would have you be guided P"
by the old Proverb, " suaviter in modo fortiter in ve." But
if nevertheless he pretend to any dominion over your city,
you may, when you are in a good condition, tell him in plain
terms that we own him for our good friend, ally, and con-
federate and sovereign and loixl paramount of all that country,
excepting the small territory belonging to Madras, of which
we claim the sovereignty, and will maintain and defend
against all persons, and govern by our own laws, without any
appeal to any prince or potentate whatsoever, except our
Sovereign Lord the King, paying unto him the King of
Golconda our agreed tribute of 1200 pagodas per annum.
And if ever he break with you upon these terms, we require
you to defend j'ourselves by arms, and from that time renounce
paying him any move tribute. It being strange to us that ,
while he is oppressed by the Mogul on one hand, and by a
poor handful of Dutchmen on the other, you should make
yourselves so timorous and fearful of asserting our own King's
just right and prerogative to that important place.''' ^
' It may be as well to specify that a pagoda is equivalent to three rupees
eight annas, and that its English value varied from seven shillings to half a
sovereign. A fauaui was a small coin worth about twopence.
CHAPTER V.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS.
Golkonda
conquered by
Auruugzeb.
Destruction of
the English
Factory at
Hughli".
1688—1720.
ABOUT 1688 there was a great change in the for-
tunes of Madras. The Sultan of Golkonda
was conquered by Aurungzeb, and consequently the
English settlement at Madras was brought under
the paramount power of the Great Moghul.
The change was effected at a remarkable crisis.
The English in Bengal had been allowed to esta-
blish a factory at Hughli. They had been prohibited
from building any walls or fortifications, like those
which they possessed at Madras ; they had conse-
quently been exposed to the oppressions and exac-
tions of the Nawab of Bengal ; and on one occasion,
Mr. Job Charnock, the Governor at Hughli, was
imprisoned and scourgedljy the Nawab.^ The result
Avas that James the Third made war upon the Em-
peror Aurungzeb. A squadron of English men-of-war
was sent into the eastern seas to capture and destroy
the ships of the Moghul. xlurungzeb was soon in
alarm. Every complaint was redressed. The war
was brought to a close, but was never forgotten. It
sufficed to keep the peace between the English and
the Moghul authorities for a period of seventy years.
' Ormc's Hiiulnstan, Vol. \II. The Nawab of Bengal was afterwards
known as the Subabdar. Charnock is often spelt Chauuotk.
V
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 89
The lisrlit in which the war was regarded by the war between
O o ./ tijg Enelish and
Court of Directors may be gathered from the ^''»^"^^-
following remarks, which appear in a general letter,
dated 27th August 1688 :—
" The subjects of the Mog-hul cannot bear a war with the
EngHsh for twelve mouths together, without starving and
dying by thousands, for want of work to purchase rice ; not
singly for want of our trade, but because by our war we ob-
struct their trade with all the Eastern nations, which is ten
times as much as ours, and all European nations put together.
Therefore we conclude Fort St. George is now much more worth
and secure to us, than ever it was in the mean King of
Golconda's time ; for he had little at sea for us to revenge
ourselves upon ; but now if new injuries should be offered
us, we have a fat enemy to deal with, from whom something
is to be got to bear our charges. Therefore we conclude that
the Moghul's governors will never give us fresh provocations,
nor deny you St. Thome, or anything else you shall reason-
ably and fairly request of him,
" No ffreat ffood was ever attained in this world without
throes and convulsions : therefore we must not grudge at what
is past."
The foUowinET extracts from the Consultation Mr. chamock at
"O
Books will suffice to tell the story of one result of
the war la Bengal : —
Thursday, 7th March 1689. — " Agent Charnoclc, his
Council and the several Factors and Writers to the number
of twenty-eight persons, being arrived from Bengal, who,
having from their disturbances and sudden surprising depart-
ure thence, laden the Right Honorable Company^s concerns
and remains in great confusion upon the several ships, of
which we have received neither Invoices nor Bills of Lading :
it is therefore ordered that each Commander shall give a
list of what thev have on board."
Madras.
90 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Nawab of Bengal Moncldi/ , 7th Octohei' 1689. — ''The *' Pearl " frigate arriv-
Engiishto ing yesterday from Vizagapatam, and by her came Bengal
return.
peons, who hrouglit us several letters and a firman from the
new Nawab of Bengal, Ibrahim Khan, to the President, dated
3nd July, very kindly inviting us to return and resettlement,
with assurance of a just and fair usage to the Right Honor-
able Company's servants and trade, and upon the former
privileges, and to assist us in the recovery of our debts owing
to us in those parts; much blaming the late NawaVs injustice
and cruelty to our people : which notwithstanding it is most
acceptable news to us as we doubt not it will also be to the
Eight Honorable Company ; Init our resettlement being a
matter of great weight and importance, it is ordered and
agreed that the Agent, etc., of the Bengal Council be sum-
mond to a Council with us."
Thursday, 10th October. — " Agent Charnock and Council
being this day joined with us in Council, the Nawab's letters
and firman from Bengal to the President were perused and
long debated on, and being concluded to be a happy good
opportunity to return and settle in Bengal, that Government
being under that famously just and good Nawab Ibrahim
Khan, who has so kindly invited us to it, and faithfully en-
gaged our peace and safety, of his honour the Agent has had
long experience at Patna; . . . but the war continuing
still at Bombay ... it is agreed that the General of
Surat be advised as soon as possible thereof, and copies of the
firman and letters sent him, with our opinion thereof, desiring
his advice and orders therein, and that a small vessel be fitted
for that purpose, the overland passage being very uncertain
and dangerous."
^scZ'^ state During the latter years of the seventeenth century
Madras underwent a great change. It was no
longer a fortified factory ; it had become a sovereign
state. Accordingly other qualifications were neces-
sary in men holding the higher appointments than
MADKAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 91
bad been necessary in tbe earlier days of tbe settle-
ment. Tbe following remarks in a general letter
from tlie Court respecting tbe appointment of a
Mr, Hisrsinson to be Second Member of Council
are wortby of preservation. Tbey are as applicable
now as tbey were two centuries ago. It is difficult
perbaps to say wbo penned tbem ; but from all tbat
is known of Mr. Josiab Cbild, it migbt be safely
inferred tbat he was tbe author : —
" Let none of you think much or grudge at the speedy Qualifications
1 n -\r TT' • t-KT 1 1 1 • J L e for a Second iu
advancement ot Mr. Higgmson. We do not do it out oi any coimcii.
partiality to him, for he has no relation here to speak for him,
nor ever had the amhition to think of such a thing himself;
neither liave we done it out of any ill feeling or disrespect to
auv others now being of our Council, hut sincerely as we
apprehend for the public good ; knowing him to be a man of
learning, and competently well read in ancient histories of ._— — -^
the Greeks and Latins, which with a good stock of natural
parts, only can render a man fit for Government and Political
Science, martial prudence, and other requisites for ruling over
a great city. This, we say, with some experience of the world
and knowledge of the laws and customs of nations, can alone
qualify men for such a Government, and for treaties of peace
or war, or commerce with foreign Princes. It is not being
bred a boy in India, or studying long there and speaking the
language, understanding critically the trade of the jjlace, that
is sufficient to fit a man for such a command as the Second of
Fort St. George is, or may be in time ; though all these
qualifications are very good in their kind, and essentially
necessary to the well carrying on of the trade f and little
science was not necessary formerly, when we were in the
—». state of mere trading merchants. But the case is altered
from that, since his Majesty has been pleased, by his Royal
Charters and during his Royal will and pleasure, to form us
into the condition of a Sovereign State in India, that we may
92
EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Difficulties
between the
Directors and
the Council.
Form of Muni-
cipal Govern-
ment: Natives
mixed with
Europeans.
1-
offeud^ or defend ourselves^ and pimish all that injure us iu
India as the Dutch do.
" The freat trouble we labour under is, that you cannot
get out of your old forms, and your cavilling way of writing,
or perverting or misconstruing, procrastinating or neglect-
ing our plain and direct orders to you ; as if you were not a
subordinate but a co-ordinate power with us ; which has and
will (till you conform to our known minds and intentions)
force us to make more changes in your Council than any-
thing else could have induced us to ; of which we hope we
shall have no more hereafter, but that your well understand-
ing and performance of our orders will cause us to change the
style of our letters to you, as we hoped to have done before
this, for which we more earnestly desire a fit occasion than
you can yourselves/'
The Court of Directors at this period were
anxious to form a muaicipal corporation, in which
natives were mixed with English freemen. The
question is an interesting one. The following
paragraphs are extracted from the original instruc-
tions sent out from England : —
^' If you could contrive a form of a corporation to be estab-
lished, of the Natives mixed with some English freemen, for
aught we know some public use might be made thereof; and
we might give the members some privileges and pre-emiuen-
cies by Charter under our seal, that might please them (as all
men are naturally with a little power) ; and we might make
a public advantage of them, without abating essentially any
part of our dominion when we please to exert it. And it is
not unlikely that the heads of the several castes, being made
Aldermen and some others Burgesses, with power to choose
out of themselves yearly their Mayor, and to tax all the in-
habitants for a Town Hall, or any public buildings for them-
selves to make use of, — your people would more willingly and
liberally disburse five shillings towards the public good, being
taxed by themselves, than sixpence imposed by our despotical
V
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 93
power (notwithstanding' they shall submit to when we see
cause), were Government to manag-e such a society, as to
make them proud of their honour and preferment, and yet
only ministerial, and subservient to the ends of the Govern-
ment, which under us is yourselves. y^
" We know this can be no absolute platform for you. You Discretionary
may make g-reat alterations according to the nature of the
place and the people, and the difference of laws, customs, and
almost everything else, between England and India ; but this
will serve as a foundation from whence to begin your consi-
derations and debates concerning this affiiir, which will
require great wisdom and much thinking and foresight, to
create such a Corporation in Madras, as will be beneficial to
the Company and place, without the least diminution of the
sovereign power his Majesty has entrusted us with, and which
we are resolved to exercise there during his Majesty's royal
pleasure and confidence in us."
All this while, however, Madras was exnosed to Madras in
■^ danger.
great perils. The English were often threatened
by the Mahrattas. They were also threatened by
the Moghuls, who had conquered the Sultan of
Golkonda and were taking possession of all his
dominions in the Dekhan and Peninsula as far
south as the river Koleroon.
The followino; extracts will serve to show the Relations
" between the
early relations between the English and the Moghuls Mo|Ms"anV'"
and Mahrattas. It should be explained that the
Sivaji, here mentioned, was not the celebrated
founder of the Mahratta Empire ; for he had died
as far back as 1680. The name was applied to
his son Earn Raja, who was generally known as
Sivaji, and sometimes as the " New Sivaji."
Saturday, 29ih October 1687. — " Having received a letter Moghuls capture
from Pottv Khan, commissioned by the Mogul to be Souba- Madras submits
•^ ^ <-. ^^ ^j^g Moghul.
9 J, EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Jar of this part of the country, and Governor of Ching-leput
Fort as formerlj', who advises us that the Mogul has certain-
ly taken Golconda Castle, and the Sultan prisoner; and
that all the considerable Forts and Towns in this country
have already admitted the Mog-uFs colours and government,
— \ — the Towns of Pulicat and St. Thome, our nearest neighbours,
having also submitted thereto ; he also intimating to us
the ceremony and solemnity that was generally performed
at the news of the conquest, implicitly desiring and expect-
ing the same from us; which being a matter of no great
weight or charge, and may oblige them, and the neglect
do us a prejudice : — It is agreed and ordered that the servant
that brought the letter be presented with perpetuanos, and
that 15 guns be fired at the delivery of the President's
letter to them, and 20 marcalls of paddy given among the
poor, in respect to their customs in such cases/''
Application of a Saturda//, 7th January 1688. — This evening the Rigrht
aioghnl's Life in • •
Guardsman. Honorable Company^s Chief Merchant acquainted the Presi-
dent that one of the Mogul's Life Guards, seut^ down into
these parts to receive his rents, desired to wait upon him
to-morrow ; but doubting he might be too prying and in-
quisitive of the garrison, the President excused his coming
then, as being Sunday, and desired it may be at nine this
night. Three other Members of Council were sent for and
were present at his coming, when after a long discourse of
the Court and Government, he declared the occasion of his
coming was, that he had received about a lakh of rupees
and 6000 pagodas for the MoguFs account, and had left
it at Poonamallee ; but in regard Sivaji's flj'ing array was
foraging those parts and robbing and plundering, desired
our assistance, supply him with 300 horses, 500 soldiers
and 500 peons to guard it as far as Kistna Biver; which
he pressed hard, and that it would be most acceptable to
the King (Aurungzeb). But the Governor, considering the
unreasonableness and dangerous consequence of undertaking-
such a charge, or intermeddling with things of that nature,
returned him for answer, that wo should be always ready to
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 95
serve the Mogul, but that Le well kuew Sivaji's forces,
and that he had lately taken three Forts and a hundred
Towns very near us, and done many other mischiefs in the
country, and that this place was also threatened by him, and
that he was witliin twenty-four hours of us : therefore we
could not spare our forces from our guard. Besides, that
three or four hundred horse would signify little to Sivaji's
three or four thousand in the field, though we feared not
ten times so many here ; but there it would turn the King
Aurungzeb's money and our peo|)le into great danger.
Thereupon desired him (the Mogul's Life Guard) to consider
well of it. Whereupon he desired permission to bring it
into Town ; but hearing of our war in Bengal he requested
that the President would give him his word and hand that he
and his treasure should- be safe, and have liberty to carry it
away when he thought convenient. Which being agreed
to by all, ho was told by the President that the Town was ,
free to all persons, and that no prejudice should be done to
him by the English, but that they should fare as we did,
and that he might choose what place he pleased to reside in ;
desiring him to send no more people than necessary, and
those to be sober and civil. Whereupon he was dismissed
with rosewater and betel, and seemed pleased with the dis-
course and the entertainment."
Friday 13th January. — *•' Letters last night advise that Mahratta
T 1 •!! T 1 ravages.
Sivaii's forces had plundered Conjeveram, killed about 500
men destroying the Town, and put the inhabitants to flight,
dispersing themselves about the country, and many of them
run hither ; and about twelve this day came a letter from
Chino-leput advising the Governor that they had certain
news from the Mahratta camp, that they had drawn out a
party of about 2000 horse and 5000 foot under the command
of a General, to assault this place, giving them encourage-
ment that the plunder should be their own. Upon which
advice the Governor and Council ordered that the Portuguese
and Gentoos [}. e., Hindus] should be summoned to their
arms ; one man from each family that had two therein, and
96
EARLY IlECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Affairs at
Golkouda.
Moehul
uegotiations.
V-
two from each family that had six and many therein, from
15 to t)0 years of a,ge."
Sunday, 6ih May 1688. — " Letters from Mr. Chardin at
Goleonda to the Governor, of April last, g-ive the following-
account. That the Mogul would free his sou Shah Allum
from his long confinement, but the Prince generously refused
it except he would also enlarge Abul Hassan, the Sultan of
Goleonda, because he (the Prince) was instrumentally the
ruin of the Sultan ; having formerly engaged his word that
neither the Mogul, nor he, should ever come with power to
trouble him ; and that he would rather choose to lose his life,
than break his faith and word with the Sultan of Goleonda,
which was confirmed by his faith. That Sivaji's troops, join-
ed with Sid dee Masson^s, are within six leagues of Goleonda
burning and destroying all before them, they expect them
there in a little time. That Nabob Rowalloo Khan had sent
his jewels and treasure into the castle, and he and his family
are on the following thereof. That there are no soldiers in
the Fort (of Goleonda), nor provisions fit to withstand an
enemy, so that if the enemy comes, he may with great faci-
lity take the Fort. That the Dutch and the French are much
in the Mahratta^s favour, and all roads are full of robbers.
That the King of Persia marcheth in person with a great
army after Sultan Akbar,' to give him help, in case the
60,000 horsemen he hath already sent be not sufficient; and
sworn upon his beard that he will set him upon the ludostan
throne.''
Monday, 18th March. — ^' Letters from the MoguFs Dewan
\i, e., Finance Minister] wherein he descants upon the small-
ness of our rent and present, in consideration of the great
profits and revenues we made of the place, which now was
under the Mogul's dominion, and therefore not to be as in
the Sultan of Golconda's time. His chief design herein
being to get a great present from us, which being well con-
sidered of, it is resolved not to concede to, since it can do us
little kindness and may encourage their exactions.
* Akbar was a rebel son of Aorungzeb, who had fled to Persia.
MADRAS UNDER THE M6GHULS. 97
" The Dewan's messenger, a great Moorman that was sent
with the letter and to discourse more particularly in this occa-
sion, was sent for and civilly treated ; who, after many stories
and magnifying his Master's interest and power in the Mo-
gul's Court and this country ; the President told him that we
were and should be very desirous to continue the Dewan's
friendship, which we hope he would not deny us, in considera-
tion of the many great advantages our settlement and trade
brought to the country ; and that he was misinformed of our
profits by it, the Revenues not defraying half the charge we
were at in maintaining it and the poor ; however it was our
own, given us by the grant of several sovereigns, and solely
raised and built by the Right Honorable Company's charge
from a barren sand ; which we should defend against all op-
posers of our right ; and so dismissed the Moor with calmer
thoughts and expectations than he brought."
Monday, 4th December 1689. — " Havinsi: received certain Presents to the
1 . riT»/ri • Mahratta Kaja.
advice that Rama Raja, kmg of the Mahrattas, is come over
laud from his kingdom and army at Poona to the government
and castle at Ginjee, and that the French and Dutch have
already sent persons with considerable presents to congratu-
late him into the country, each reported to be to the amount
of nearly 1400 pagodas; audit being also expected that we
should likewise pay our respects to him in the same nature, as
well for the favourable assistance done the Right Honorable
Company at Bombay, as also for the protection of our Garri-
son and trade in his country ; and though he may expect to
be visited by one of our Council, yet lest that should give sus-
picion to the Mogul government and army in these parts and
exasperate them against us, which they seem now inclined
to from the late news and troubles at Bombay : — we therefore
conclude it more safe and expedient that the Chief of Cont-
mere,' with a suitable retinue, do go and visit Rama Raja at
Ginjee, with a present from thence, wherein not much to ex-
ceed the amount of pagodas 600. Since the French circum-
1 Conimere was a small English factory near Ginjee or Jiujee. It was
withdrawn shortly afterwards.
98
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH IXDIA.
Mahrattas
besicf-'o
Pondieherry.
Moghul
f'arnatic
and Mahratta
Caruatic,
stances and ours in those parts are different, where they hav-
ing their chief residence and settlement in that government,
and lately built a considerable Fort at Pondieherry."
Tuesday, 10th Decemher 1689. — "This day came news
from Conimere that the Mahrattas had besieged the French
at Pondieherry, demanding great sum of mone}^ from them,
notwithstanding they had lately received a considerable pre-
sent from them ; and that the Conimere Government and the
Dewan's peons have likewise been very pressing with our
merchants there for 1,000 or 500 pagodas a man loan from
them/'
The country between the rivers Kistna and Kole-
roon is known by the general name of the Camatic.
PoKtically it was diyided into a northern and a
southern region, which may be distinguished as
the Moghul Carnatic and the Mahratta Camatic.
The Moghul Carnatic had been previously a province
of Golkonda ; it had now become a province of
the Moghul ; it included the English settlement
at Madras. The Malu^atta Carnatic comprised the
southern region which had been conquered by
Sivaji the Mahratta ; it included the French settle-
ment at Pondieherry.
Froniior fortress Tlic froutlcr bctwecn Moffhul and Maliratta do-
or Cii?ijcc or '-'
jinjt. minion was formed at this period by the celebrated
fortress of Ginjee or Jinji. Tliis notable fortress
was seated on three precipitous hills or rocks about
six hundred feet high. They were connected
by lines of works, and enclosed a large triangular
plain inside. For ages this fortress had been
regarded as the strongest in the Carnatic. It had
been the stronghold of the old Rajas of Cliola.
In 1677 it liad been captured by the first Sivaji.
-V
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 99
In 1689, as already seen, it was in the possession
of his son Ram Raja. It was the frontier fortress
of the Mahrattas against the Moghuls.
In 1690 Ziilfikar Khan commanded the Moachnl zumtai Khan,
army m the Uarnatic. lie laid siege to Jingi. A '^'^ ^^^a'-n^i*'^.
rebellion broke out in the Moghul army. Mr. Eliliu
Yale was Governor of Madras. He supplied Zulfikar
Khan with powder and rendered other services.
As a reward he obtained a firman from the Mo-
ghul general, confirming the Enghsh Company in
the possession of all their settlements in Golkonda
territory and Jinji territory.
In 1691 the Mahrattas were still masters of EngUsh settle.
Jinji. Ram Raja was sovereign over the whole st. i>ivvid.
country from Jinji to the river Koleroon. So
firmly w'as his power established, that the English
l^urchased the site of Eort St. David' from the
Mahratta Raja.
In 1692 Zulfikar Khan was still besies^in^ Jinif. siege of jit.ji
by ibe iloghuls.
He was accompanied by the youngest son of the
Emperor Aurungzeb, named Kambakhsh.^ The
Moghul army before Jinji was in wretched
plight. In December 1692 the Moghuls were de-
feated by the Mahrattas ; many of the Moghul
oflB-cers fled to Madras in disgidse, and were well
entertained.
In January 1693 an Enojlish soldier in the Pnvaiiona of
" ^ • the Moghuls,
service of Zulfikar Khan returned to Madras. He
^ Fort St. Diwid was about a hundred miles to the south of Madras, and
sixteen miles to the south of Pondicherry.
- This prince was known to our forefathers as Cawn Bux. lu Herodo-
tus aud Xcno2jhon the name appears as Cambyses,
100
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Troubles at the
Mok'iuI camp.
JIaTiraHa
Buccesses.
Ziilfikar Khan
sir;iituiitd for
uiuucy.
brought a budget of news from the Mogliul camp,
Kambakhsli bad tried to go over to Ram Eaja ;
be was seized and imprisoned by Zulfikar Khan.
Tbe camp was reduced to starvation from want of
provisions. Zulfikar Kban made a peace for twenty-
four boui's with E;am Raja, and tben retired to
Wandiwasb, leaving most of bis baggage at tbe
discretion of tbe Mabrattas.
In 1694 there was more news from tbe Mogbul
camp. Zulfikar Kban was quarrelling with bis
ofiicers ; it was said that Aurungzeb bad sent orders
to arrest him. Tbe Mogbul horse were plundering
tbe country. Zulfikar Khan sent ten camels load-
ed with rupees to Eam Raja ; they were inter-
cepted by another Mogbul general named Daiid
Kban. Tbe Mogbul officers were waiting an oppor-
tunity to arrest Zulfikar Kban. The Mabrattas
bad poisoned tbe water ; they mixed milk hedges in
some of the tanks, wliicb killed abundance of j^eople.
In 1696 the Malirattas were increasing in
strength at Jinji. Tbe English at Eort St. David
were warned to be on good terms with Ram Raja
and his officers. Tbe Malu^attas would certainly
continue masters of the country, unless a consider-
able army was sent to reinforce Zulfikar Khan.
In the following March, Zulfikar Khan was in
such straits for money that he sent to Madras to bor-
row a hundred thousand pagodas, equivalent to above
thirty-five thousand pounds sterling. Mr. Nathaniel
Iligginson was Governor of Madras. He sent a pre-
sent, but declined to lend the money. It was feared
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. IQl
that Zulfikar Khan would resent the refusal. He,
however, distributed a small sum amongst his army,
and ostentatiously praised the liberahty of the
English at Madras. His only object had been to
gain time ; to amuse the soldiery with prospects of
pay.
In the following November, it was feared that Nawab expected
to attack
Zulfikar Khan would attack Madras. The follow- ^'^'^'^''^•
ing extract from the *' Consultations " shows the
feeling which prevailed at Eort St. George : —
Thursday y 5th November 1696. — " It may be objected that
it is very probable that the Nawab Zulfikar Khan eaunot make
war against this place without the King's [i. e., Emperor's]
order. But it may be also considered that the Nawab hath
frequently done greater things than that, not only without
but ai>ainst the King's order. He has imprisoned Kambakhsh
the King's son ; and though the King for a time did express
resentment, yet there followed no eflPoct. He hath been fre-
quently ordered to take Ginjee, and it hath been in his power
to do it and destroy all the Mahrattas in the country ; but
instead of that it appears plain that he hath joined council
with them, and notwithstanding all the endeavours of his
enemies, his father Vizier Asad Khan still prevails at court to
keep the Nawab in his Goverument. And if he hath an
interest to defend himself against so potent enemies, he can
more easily baffle any complaints that we can make to the
King. And it is in his power, if he be so inclined, to trouble
and plague us, and to raise new impositions to the stoppino*
all business ; and it will not be in our power to procure a
remedy at last, but by the same means that he and his officer
now aim at, that is by a more considerable present/''
In 1697 Zulfikar Khan had grown more for- mo^i,,,!.
midable. He had defeated the Mahrattas near '
Tanjore. In 1698 he captured Jinji.
102 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Kawab's friend- Zulfikai' Kliaii was one of the most clistino^uislied
ship for the ^
Ei.gii.L. grandees of his time. He was not only in com-
mand of the Moghul army in Jinji, but exercised
a powerful influence at court. He was the adopted
son of Asad Khan, the Vizier. He was inclined
to favour the English at Madras. He had akeady
granted firmans confirming them in the possession
of their territorial settlements in Golkonda and
Jinji. He now procured them firmans from the
Vizier in the Emperor's name. The English were
told that the finnans were ready on the payment
of ten thousand pagodas, nearly four thousand
pounds sterling. There was some demur, but the
money was paid.
Baud Khan, In 1701 Zulfikar Khan was succeeded by Daud
ofthecaruatic. ;g-j^^j^ ^g Nawab of thc Carnatic. The English
sent him letters and presents. A present valued at
seventeen hundred pagodas was given in public ;
and a donation of three thousand rupees was given
in private. The proceedings are sufficiently ex-
plained in the following extracts : —
Friday f 17th January 1706. — " Daiid Khan being ordered
by the King (Auruugzeb) Nawab of the Cnrnatic and
Ginjee countries who lias been several months on his
march from the King's Camp. Two days ago we wei-e
advised, by people that we keep in his Camp to give
lis intelligence, that he was come to Arcot above four
days' march from hence. We have had several letters of
v^ compliment from him, wherein he has desired sundry sorts
of liquors, which accordingly have been sent him; and it
being the custom of all Europeans to present all Nawabs and
Governors when they come first to their Government in
order to procure a confirmation of their privileges, besides at
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 103
present we are carrying on a great investment here and at
Fort St. David; and Lave a great deal of money spread up
and down the country ; further a few days ago we have
advice from Surat by Armenian letters that our affairs are
embroiled there ; all of which induces us to consider of a con-
siderable present for the Nawab and Dewan and their officers,
and fitting persons to send with it ; though before we heard
the news from Surat^ we intended to have sent two English-
men, but altered our resolution, not knowing but that the
troubles there may affect us here. So there being one Senor
Nicholas Manuch; a Venetian and an inhal'itant of ours for
many years, who has the reputation of an honest man, — — — '
besides he has lived at the King^s Court upwards of thirty
years, and was a servant to one of the Princes, and speaks
the Persian language excellently well ; for which reasons we
tliink him the properest person to send at this time with our
Chief Dubash Ramapah ; aud have unanimously agreed with
the advice of all capable of giving it, to send the presents.'^
The Nawab sent back the presents. It was dis- More demands
tor moucy.
covered that he was in a rage. He was bent upon
having ten thousand pagodas hke Zulfikar Khan.
He threatened to ruin Madras and set up St.
Thome in its room.
Mr. Thomas Pitt was Governor of Madras. He is Resolution of
Governor Pitt.
.said to have been the grandfather of the famous
Earl of Chatham. At any rate, he had the
Chatham spirit. He utterly refused to pay the
money. Ten thousand pagodas had been paid to
Zulfikar Khan on account \)f the firmans ; but no
firmans were wanted from Nawab Daiid Khan.
A new Nawab might come every month, and de-
mand ten thousand pagodas in Hke manner.
Governor Pitt prepared to resist to the last ; landed
Khau.
104< EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
quotas of men out of the Europe sliips ; increased
the train bands ; and raised a force of Portuguese.
NawabDflud Nawab Ddiid Khan bes^an to ffive in. His
Khau gives '^ *-'
"^^- officers expressed their fears that something would
happen to then* good friends the English unless the
ten thousand pagodas were paid iip. Governor Pitt
was obdurate. At last the Nawab condescended to
receive the present which he had previously refused.
The Nawab now became friendly and cordial.
Governor Pit fs Thc followiDO" cxtracts from the "Proceedins^s"
hospitality. c ^
describe an entertainment that was given by Mr. Pitt
to the famous Nawab Daud Khan : —
Preparation for Frichi/, llfk Jiily 1701. — " This day the Nawab sent us
Nawab Daiid wotd that to-mori'ow himself, the Dewan, and Buxie would
dine with us^ and desired to know with what attendance we
would admit him.' We would fain have evaded it, but the
messenger he sent, pressing us so hard for a direct answer, we
sent him word that the honour was too great to desire it, and
greater than we expected ; and if he pleased to come, he should
^ be very welcome, and we be ready to receive him in the
Garrison with one hundred horse. So all imaginable prepara-
tion is ordered to be made, and Messrs. Marshall and Meverell
(two of the Council), attended with ten Files of Grenadiers,
ordered to meet and receive him at Mr. Ellis^s Garden to
conduct him into town."
1 These three officials — the Nawab, the King's Dewan, and the Buxie
or Batkshi — were appointed to every province in the Moghul empire.
The Nawab held the military command of the province, and enforced
obedience to the laws.
The King's Dewan took charge of the revenues in the name of the
King, Padishah, or Emperor. He paid the salaries of all the higher officials,
including the Nawab. He remitted the surplus revenue to the Moghul
Court as the King's due. Sometimes the Dewan also held the post of Nawab.
The Buxie, properly Bakhshi, was Paymaster of the Army, but often
held the rank of General.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 105
Saturday, 12th Jtdy 1701. — " About twelve this noon, the The Diuner.
Nawabj the King's Dewan, and Buxie were conducted into
town by Messrs. Marshall and Meverell ; the streets being*
lined with soldiers from St. Thome Gate up to the Fort, and
the works that way manned with the Marine Company hand-
somely clothed with red coats and caps, and the curtain of the
Inner Fort with our Train Bands, all which made a very hand-
some appearance. The Governor, attended with the Council,
the Mayor, the Commanders of the Europe ships, and some of
the Principal Freemen, received him (the Nawab) a little way
out of the Gate of the Fort ; and after embracing each other,
the Governor presented him with a small ball of Ambergrease
cased with gold and a gold chain to it, and then conducted
him into the Fort and carried him up to his lodgings ; when
after sitting some time, the Nawab was pleased to pass very
great compliments upon us, commending the place as to
what he had hitherto seen of it, and gave us all assurance of
his friendship ; after which the Governor set by him two
cases of rich cordial waters and called for wine, bidding him
welcome by firing 21 pieces of Ordnance. Soon after the
Governor drank to him the MoghuFs health with 31 pieces of
Ordnance ; and the principal Ministers of State (our friends),
as also the Nawab, Dewan, and Buxies, with 21 pieces of
Ordnance each, all which healths the Nawab pledged in the
cordial waters. So, soon after, the Dinner being ready, which
was dressed and managed by a Persian inhabitant, the Gov-
ernor conducted the Nawab into the Consultation room,
which was very handsomely set out in all respects, the dinner
consisting of about six hundred dishes, small and great, of
which the Nawab, Dewan, and Buxie, and all that came with
him, eat very heartily, and very much commended their enter-
tainment. After dinner they were diverted with the dancing
wenches. The Nawab was presented with cordial waters,
French brandy, and embroidered China quilts, all which he
desired. The Dewan, upon his promising us a Perwanna, had
a Ruby Ring. The Buxie had one likewise offered him, but
refused it, and seemed all day out of humour, occasioned; as
lOG EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
we are informed, by some words that had passed this day
between the Nawab, Dewan, and him before they came hither.
Eeturnto " About six in the evening they returned to St. Thome;
St. 1 omd. ^^^ Governor and Council, and gentlemen in town, with the
Commanders of the Europe ships, waiting on them without
the Gate of the Fort, where they mounted their horses and
were attended by Messrs. Marshall and Meverell to the place
they received them, and at their going out of St. Thomas's
Gate were saluted with 31 pieces of Ordnance.
Kawab proposes " Mcssrs. Marshall and Meverell returning, acquainted the
fhfi"Eng"iisr'^'^ Governor that the Nawab desired to-morrow morning to go
^^''^^' aboard one of the Europe ships, and in order thereto that six
Mussoolas [i. e., Mussoola boats] might be sent to Triplieane ;
which was accordingly done, and the English ships' boats
ordered to attend him.''
now prevented. Sunday, 12th July 1701. — " About seven o'clock this
morning Messrs. Marshall and Meverell went to Triplieane, in
order to wait on the Nawab aboard the English ships, and the
Commanders went off to receive him, but the Nawab having
been very drunk over night, was not in a condition to go, and
deferred it till to-morrow morning.
"The Breakfast we intended aboard ship for the Nawab
was sent to St. Thome, which he accepted very kindly."
Proposed visit Tnesdai}, loth July 1701. — " This morninir the Nawab
Garden; also gent word to the Governor that he would make him a visit
prevented. » /--i i
at the Company s Garden ; whereupon Narrain was sent to
endeavour to divert him from it, which if he could not do,
that then to advise the time of his coming. So Narrain
about twelve at noon sent to the Governor to acquaint that
the Nawab was coming with a great detachment of horse
and foot with all his elephants, and what he meant by it
he could not imagine. So the Governor ordered immediately
to beat up for the Train Bands and the Marine Company,
and drew out a detachment of a hundred men under Captain
Seaton to attend him and those gentlemen of the Council
who went to the Garden to receive the Nawab. But Narrain
MADKAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. ; 107
seeiiig" the Nawab coming- ivi such a mauner, told him it
would create a jealousy in the Governor^ and desired him
to halt uutil he sent the Governor word and received his
answer. But before the answer came^ the Nawab was got
into a Portuguese Chapel very drunk and fell asleep,
and as soon as waked, which was about four o'clock in the
afternoon, he ordered his Camp to march towards the little
Mount, where he pitched his tents, and sent to' the Governor
to excuse his not coming to the Garden, and desired him to
send a dozen bottles of cordial waters, which were sent him."
About this time, the Emperor Aurunzeb took ^^^^,|™ujf "^'^
an extraordinary resolution against the different ^"''''"^^'''•
European settlements in India. Both he and his
subjects had suffered heavy losses from the depre-
dations of European puates. Accordingly, he
ordered that compensation for these losses should
be made by the servants of the different Eiu'opean
Companies.
In the first instance, these demands were made Moghui ideas of
Europeans.
on Surat and Bombay. Khafi Khan, the Mogliul
historian, has drawn up a narrative from a Moghul
point of view. He, moreover, records his own ex-
periences of the English at Bombay. The narra-
tive may prove- an interesting introduction to the
story of the proceedings of the Moghuls in the
Carnatic, as told in the Madras records : —
'' Every year one of the Emperor's ships went from Surat MogUui ships,
to the house of God at Mecca. There was no larg-er ship at
Surat. It carried Indian goods to Mocha and Jedda, It
brought back to Surat fifty-two lakhs of rupees in gold and
silver, or more than half a million sterling. Ibrahim Khan
was captain. It carried eighty guns and four hundred
muskets, besides other implements of war.
108 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,
English pirates. " Tliis I'oyal ship had come withm eight or nine days of
Surat, when au English ship came in sights of much smaller
size, and nothing a third or fourth of the armament. When it
came within gunshot, the royal ship fired a gun at her. By
ill luck the gun burst, and three or four men were killed by
its fragments. About the same time, a shot from the enemy
struck and damaged the mainmast, on which the safety of
the vessel depends. The Englishmen perceived this, and
being encouraged by it, bore down to attack, and drawing
their swords, jumped on board their opponent. The Christians
are not bold in the use of the sword, and there were so many
weapons on board the royal vessel, that if the captain had
made any resistance they must have been defeated. But as
soon as the English began to board, Ibrahim Khan ran down
into the hold. There were some Turki girls whom he had
bought in Mocha to be his concubines. He put turbans on
their heads and swords in their hands, and excited them to
fight. These fell into the hands of the enemy, who soon
became perfect masters of the ship. They transferred the
treasure and many prisoners to their own ship. When they
had laden their ship, they brought the royal ship to shore
near one of their settlements, and busied themselves for a
week searching for plunder, stripping the men and dis-
honouring the women both old and young. They then left
the ship, carrying off the men. Several honourable women
threw themselves into the sea to preserve their chastity, and
some others killed themselves with knives and daggers.
Mogiiui threats. " This loss was reported to Auraugzeb, and the news-
writers at Surat sent some rupees which the English have
coined at Bombay, with a superscription containing the name
of their impure King. Aurangzeb then ordered that the
English factors who were residing at Surat should be
seized. Orders were also given to Itimad Khan, Superintend-
ent of the port at Surat, to make prejiarations for besieging
the fort of Bombay. The evils arising from the English
occupation of Bombay were of long standing.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 109^
" The English were not at all alarmed at these threateniuffs. Preparations of
T. • 1 1 • 1 -IT 1 tho English.
But they were more active than usual in building bastions
and wallsj and in blocking up the roads, so that in the eud
they made the place quite impregnable. Itimad Khan saw
all these preparations, and came to the conclusion that there
was no remedy, and that a struggle with the English would
result only in a heavy loss to the customs revenue. He
made no serious preparations for carrying the royal order into
execution, and was not willing that one rupee should be lost
to the revenue. To save appearances, he kept the English
factors in confinement, but privately he endeavoured to effect
an arrangement. After the confinement of their factors, the
English, by way of reprisal, seized ,upon every Imperial
Officer, wherever they found one, on sea or on shore, and
kept them all in confinement. So matters went on for a
long time.
" During these troubles I (Khafi Khan) had the misfor- Khafi Khan's
tune of seeing the English of Bombay. I had purchased ^'^' ° '^°' "^'
goods at Surat to the value of nearly two lakhs of rupees,
and had to convey them along the sea shore through the
possessions of the Portuguese and English. On arriving at
Bombay, but while I was yet in the Portuguese territory,
I waited ten or twelve days for an escort. The merchant for
whom I acted had been on friendly terms with an Englishman,
i. e., the Governor of Bombay, and he had now written to
the Englishman about giving assistance to the convoy. The
Englishman sent out his vakeel [?". e., messenger], very kindly
inviting me to visit him. The Portuguese captain and my
companions were averse to my going there with such valuable
property. I, however, put my trust in God, and went to the
Englishman. I told the vakeel that if the conversation
turned upon the capture of the ship, I might have to say
unpleasant things, for I would speak the truth. The vakeel
advised me to say freely what I deemed right, and to speak
nothing but the truth.
'^ When I entered the fortress {i. e., at Bombay) I obserVed Bombay Castic.
that from the gate there was on each side of the road a
.110 EAELY llECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
line of 3'ouths of twelve or fourteeD years of age, well-dressed,
and having excellent muskets on their shoulders. Every step
I advanced, young men with sprouting beards, handsome and
well-clothed, with fine muskets in their hands, were visible
on every side. As I went onwards, I found Englishmen
standing, with long beards, of similar age, and with the
same accoutrements and dress. After that I saw musketeers,
3'oung men well-dressed and arranged, drawn up in ranks.
Further on, I saw Englishmen with white beards, clothed
in brocade, with muskets on their shoulders, drawn up in
two ranks, and in perfect array. Next I saw some English
children, handsome and wearing pearls on the borders of
their hats. In the same way, on both sides, as far as the
door of the house where he (the Governor) abode, I found
drawn up in ranks on both sides nearly seven thousand mus-
keteers, dressed and accoutred as for a review.
Bombay " I then wcut straio-ht up to the place where he was seated
Governor. . . " '^ . ^
on a chair. He wished me ' good day, ' his usual form
of salutation, then he rose from his chair, embraced me, and
signed for me to sit down on a chair in front of him. After
a few kind enquiries, he enquired why his factors had been
placed in confinement. I gave him to understand that it
was on account of the capture of the royal ship. He
replied, ' those who have an ill-feeling against me cast upon
me the blame for the faults of others ; how do you know
that this deed was the work of my men ? ' I told him that
* there were English on board that were in his service. '
He said those Englishmen had deserted him and turned
Mussulmans, and afterwards had gone away and joined the
I)irates. I thanked him for his explanation.''
' Khafi Khan translated by Professor Dowson in Elliot's History of
India, Volume VII. The Professor has done good service in translating this
work. I had formed a poor opinion of Khafi Khan for the undeserved praise
he bestowed on Shah Jehan. But other contemporary writers of undoubted
integrity, have taken the same favourable view out of pity for the misfortunes
of that ill-fated sovereign. Professor Dowson's translation proves that Khafi
Khan is at least honest, and not a court scribe. Many of the new facts he
has brought to light arc confirmed by European authorities.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. HI
The proceedinsrs of tlie Moffliuls at Madras were Demands of tuo
of an equally violent character. The following ^'*^^"'^°'" ^'"•
extracts from a letter, addressed by Governor Pitt to
Nawab Daiid Khan, explains the nature of Aurung-
zeb's demand from a European point of view : —
*' To His Excellency Daud Khan.
" This morning- our Moollah came to me, who shews me
the copy of an order said to be from the great Asad Khan,
charging all Europeans with piracy, and that by a writing
they are answerable for the same. We have been informed
that there was such a writing extorted from the English,
French, and Dutch at Surat, which amongst us is of no
value, being forced from us ; nor will the same be regarded
more particularly by us, who have been so great sufferers
ourselves ; and besides, our King have not been at so little
charge as two hundred thousand pagodas to extirpate those
villains.
" Your Excellency said to the Moollah that you care not
to fight us, but are resolved if possible to starve us by stop-
ping all provisions. We can put no other construction on
this, than declaring a war with all Europe nations, and ac-
cordingly we shall act. Dated in Fort St. George, 6th
February, 1702.
Thomas Pitt.^^
Next day Madras was in some trepidation. The commotions at
•^ -•- Madras.
following extract from the '' Consultations " shows
the agitation which prevailed amongst the na-
tives : —
Saturday, 7th. — " This day the Nawab's forces plundered
our out-towns of some straw and paddy., and drove away the
inhabitants ; and the poor people that lived in our suburbs
and Black-town, being so intimidated by the approach of the
Moors army, and the preparations we made for our defence,
several thousands deserted us ; and the farmers of the
tobacco and betel complaining that they could not collect
112 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
the revenues by reason of these troubles^ and more parti-
cularly betel being stopped, which would in a few days oc-
casion great clamours amongst the inhabitants ; so that for
the encouragement of all to steal it in, we have ordered that
the farmers cease from collecting these revenues till the
troubles are over. "
Ecmonstraticc of TliG followliiff Gxtract Is taken from another
Governor Pitt. ^
letter of Governor Pitt to Nawab Daud Khan : —
" We have lived in this country nearly one hundred years,
and never had any ill designs, nor can Your Excellency, or
any one else, charge us with any ; and it is very hard that
such unreasonable orders should be issued out against us only,
when they relate to all Europeans, none excepted as I can
perceive; and whether it be for the good of your kingdom
to put such orders in execution. Your Excellency is the best
judge.
" We are upon the defensive part and so shall continue,
remembering the unspeakable damages you have not only
done us in our estates, but also in our reputation, which is
far more valuable to us, and will be most resented by the
King of our nation. "
Threats of The followinff extracts tell their own storv :—
Nawab Diiid '-' "
Thursday, 12th Februanj 1702.—" This day the Governor
summoned a General Council to acquaint them with what mes-
sage the Moollah had brought from the Nawab at St. Thome,
which was such rhodomantade stuff that we could hardly give
credit to it. He demanded possession of our Mint; that his
people should come into our Town and view our Godowns, and
take an account of our estates ; and that we should put one
hundred men of theirs in possession of the Black town ; and that
then he would write to the King (Aurungzeb) that we had
obeyed his order, and make an attestation in our behalfs, unto
which we must wait an answer. Otherwise he would fpll in
upon us, and make us surrender by force of arms, and cut us
all off. He also told the Moollah that if we were merchants,
what need had we of such a Fortification and so many Guns ;
which is an argument which has been much used by the New
Khau.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGIIULS. II3
Company's servants, since their dropping- into this country ;
and, as we have been informed, the same has been urg-ed to
the King and the great men of the Kingdom at the Camp,
" It was agreed that no answer be returned to this message,
as not being worth our taking notice of, but tacitly to defy
their threats/'
Wednesday, 8f,h April 1702.—'' The Nawab and his army siege of Madm.
having lain here a considerable time, stopping all trade and February to
provisions, and very much increasing the Company's charges, ''^^"' '
which has not only been very prejudicial to the Company in
their trade and revenues, but likewise to the whole place in
general; and finding now that they decline very much in their
demands, which we impute to the advice they have that the
merchants' demands at Surat are satisfied ; we have thought
fit, to prevent greater inconveniences, to employ our Selim
Beague, an inhabitant of this town, to offer them the sum of
18,000 Rupees ; provided they deliver up to our merchants the
goods and money they have seized belonging to this place and
Fort St. David ; which sum of 18,000 Rupees, considering the
very, long time they have been here, we believe will be no
inducement for him to come again, or any of his successors
hereafter ; and accordingly it is agreed that the President pays
the said sum upon the terms aforesaid, and not otherwise."
Sunday, 3rd May 1702. — " The Nawab and King's Officers The English
having lain before this place upwards of three months, and "^"^"^ '"""'■
interdicted all manner of trade and provisions coming into
this place ; the latter growing dear make it uneasy to the
inhabitants ; and there having been some overtures of ac-
commodation from the enemy, which the Governor has been
daily importuned by all sorts of people to accept of, occa-
sions his summoning this General Council ; whom he ac-
quainted with every particular as entered after this consulta-
tion. Which being debated, it was agreed much by the
majority that the proposals be accepted of; and that the
same be negociated and settled by Chinna Serapa and Narrain,
acquainting the Governor from time to time what progress
they make therein."
114 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
DiijdKhan " Whereas by a late Order from tliG King- all trading and
raises the siege. p^.Q^isions with the English has been interdicted at Fort
St. George and Fort St. David, we the Nawab and Dewan
do now reverse the said order, and do grant them free liberty
to trade in all places as heretofore they have done, without
let or molestation ; and to confirm the same to our people, do
promise to give them our perwannas directed to all Foujdars.
Killadars, Corrodees, Deshais, Destramokys, Poligars, and
inhabitants of all places whereto they trade, to be carried by
our Chobdars.
" That whatever moneys, etc., have been taken away, either
upon the roads or in towns, or in any place whatever, said
moneys, etc., shall be returned to the value of a cowry, and
our merchants set at liberty.
" That the Villages, and all that has been taken from them,
shall be returned, and due satisfaction made for all damages
according to account.
" And whereas their trade has been stopped by the King's
order, goods and moneys seized, it is requisite that an order
from the King be procured to revoke the former, which we
oblige ourselves to do; and upon compliance with the afore-
said articles, twenty thousand Rupees is to be paid by the
English to the Nawab, and five thousand privately to the
Dewan ; of which sums half is to be paid upon clearing the
Villages, returning ihe gram they have there seized, taking
otf the stop on trade and provisions, and sending the Chobdars
to the aforesaid officers with perwannas to all parts of the
country ; whereby to order our trade to be as free as for-
merly, and to restore all goods which were seized, and now
lie in St. Thome ; and when the whole business is completed
the English to pay the other half.''
Tne-vla^, oth May 1702.—" The siege raised ! "
Death of "William the Third died on the 8th March 1702.
William III.
Eu Aui"e" '^ I'l^G news did not reach Madras until the following
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 115
September, when Queen Anne was proclaimed with
the following ceremonies : —
Thursday, 17th September. — " In pursuance to an order
of Consultation, the flag was early this morning' hoisted, and
at eight o'clock was lowered, when there was two volleys
small shot and one hundred cannon discharged by the half
minute glass, for the death of our late gracious King William
the Third of blessed memory. Then the flag was again
hoisted up, when the Mayor and all the Aldermen in their
gowns on horseback, with twelve Halberteers and a Company
of Grenadiers marching before them, proclaimed our gracious
Queen Anne at the Fort Gate, Town Hall, Sea Gate, and
Choultry Gate, with many huzzas and great demonstration
of joy, with three volleys small shot and one hundred and
one pieces of cannon discharged. And in the evening the
Governor, attended by all the Gentlemen of the Council,
with the Mayor and Aldermen and several other gentlemen
in palanquins and horseback, to the Company's Bowling
Garden, where there was a handsome treat provided ; all
Europeans of fashion in the city being invited to the
same, where they drank the Queen's health, and prosperity
to Old England, with many others."
The same vear a terrible disaster befell the Em- nesfmctionofa
" Moghul Army.
peror Aurungzeb : —
Wednesday, 4th November. — " The President is advised
from Masulipatam that the Moghul is pitching his Camp near
some great mountains, from which of a sudden came so great
fall of waters, that it swept away about 150,000 people, with
elephants, horses, camels, and baggage, he himself narrowly
escaping." [This event is noticed by Elphinstone, who, how-
ever, reduces the number of people who perished to 12,000.]
Mr. Pitt was Governor of Madras from 1698 to J:'^'i* ^""^ '''''
hands.
1709. During this period the native town was
agitated by interminable quarrels between the right
116 EARLY RECORDS OP BRITISH INDIA.
and left hand castes, about the streets in wliicli they
were respectively to live and celebrate their wed-
dings. This antagonism between the two hands is
peculiar to Southern India. The details are far too
lengthy to be introduced here. It will suffice to
say that rules were laid down for the prevention of
all such disputes for the future.
wSi)eihi!'°°' The administration of Mr. Pitt is also distin-
guished by another circumstance. He succeeded
in establishing friendly relations with the Moghul
Court at Delhi. The circumstances were peculiar.
Aurungzeb died in 1707. The event was followed
by a terrible war between his sons. The elder
gained the victory, but was fearful lest a younger
brother should find a refuge in Madras, and make
bis escape to Persia. Accordingly a friendly letter
was sent to Mr. Pitt, by an influential official
named Zoudi Khan. The Moghul minister pro-
fessed great kindness for the English and made a
tender of his services to the Madras Governor.
Mr. Pitt promptly asked for a firman confirming
aU the privileges which had been granted by
Aurungzeb. The request was acceded to with
equal i)romptitude. Shortly afterwards the prince
who had caused all this anxiety was slain in battle.
Curious trade Xlic ucw Padisliali died in the bei?innin£r of 1712.
Fresh wars and revolutions broke out, which
had a bad effect upon trade. The following
extracts from a general letter sent by the Governor
and Council at Madras to the Court of Directors
in London furnishes some curious particulars
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. II7
respecting the changes in trade. The letter is dated
14th October 1712:--
"In obedience to your commands we shall lay before your Madras trade in
Honours the best account we can get concerning the consump-
tion of broad cloth and other manufactures in the Moghurs
dominions. The coarse red and green broad cloth is chiefly
used among the soldiers and ordinary Moormen for saddles,
saddle cloths, sumpture cloth, covers, beds and cushions, for
palankeens, carpets to sit upon, mantles to cover them from
the rain and sometimes covering for their tents of pleasure.
The fine broad cloth as scarlet, aurora, some blue and yellow
is used for the inside of tents, for vests or mantles in the
rainy season among the great men ; covering cloths for the
elephants and hackarys ; cloth to hang round their drums ;
for shoulder and waist belts, scabbards to their swords and
daggers ; for slippers and for covers, beds and pillows, and
for palankeens. The embossed cloth is used to hang round
the bottom on the inside of the great men^s tents three feet
high; for spreading to sit upon, and cushions to lean
against ; and for cloths to cover the elephants and horses.
Perpetuanos ai*e only used among the meaner sort of people
for caps, coats, aiid covering cloths to sleep in during the
rains.
''And now we are upon this subject, we must inform
your Honours that at least nine-tenths of the woollen manu-
factures vended in these parts is among the Moors ; the
Hindus making very little or no use of them. The greatest
consumption is in the MoghuFs camp, which, when at Lahore
or Delhi, is supplied wholly from Surat and Persia; but
when at Agra, partly from Surat and partly from Bengal
by way of Patna, from which ports the conveyance to the
camp is easy and safe. But what is disposed of hereabouts
is dispersed among the Nabob's flying armies in the Carnatic
country, Bijapore and Golcondah, seldom reaching so far as
Aurungabad, because the carriage is very changeable, and the
roads are difficult and dangerous to pass. When King Shah
118 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Alum' came down to Golcondah with his army in the year
1708 to destroy his brother Kam Baklish, we immediately
found a quicker vent than ordinary for our broad cloth ;
and indeed for all other sorts of goods consumed among-
them. And when Daiid Khan was formerly Nawab of
these parts, he always kept a good body of horse in
pay, which obliged the neighbouring Governors to do the
same, being always jealous of each other. And among
these horsemen by much the greatest quantity of our
broad cloth then imported was consumed, the trade
from this place to their camps being very considerable.
But now our Dewan, who is Subah of all this country,
seldom keeps above five hundred horse with him ; and the
Government in general being grown much weaker than in
Aurungzeb^s time, none of the great men keep up the
number of horse allowed by the King, but apply the money
to their own use ; and this has brought a considerable
damp to our trade in general, but more especially upon
the sale of your manufactures. For we have not only lost
the camp trade, but the roads are become impassable for
want of these horsemen to scour them as usual; so that the
merchants are discouraged from coming down with their
money and diamonds to buy up and carry away our Europe
and other goods as formerly ; and we cannot see any likeli-
hood of better times till the Government is well settled and
some active man employed on the Government of these
parts."
Lnter records. TliG Madi'as recoi'ds of a later date contaia little
matter that will interest general readers. Between
the years 1717 and 1720 a Mr. Collet was Gover-
nor. At this period the English at Madras pos-
sessed slaves in considerable numbers. Many kept
slave girls, and two charity schools were built for the
> This King or Pndislmh is known in history by the name of Dabadur
Sbiib. IK- was the son and successor of ^iuuii"Zib.
/ MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 119
children 6rtliese slaves. There are many allusions
to these slaves in the records, but nothing of perma-
nent interest. A good understanding prevailed be-
tvreen the English at Madras and the Nawab of
Arcot, and on one occasion Mr. Collet had the
honour of entertaining the minister of the Nawab,
just as Mr. Pitt had entertained Daud Khan.
Mr. Collet's administration is also remarkable chan-es in
marriage law?
for a change in the marriage laws laid down by
Mr. Streynsham Masters. The following extracts
explain themselves : —
Thirsdai/, 2nd April 1719. — " The President represents
that the Portuguese priests of St. Thome had very lately
taken tlie liberty to marry some English people belonging to
this city without leave ; which practice he apprehended to be
of dangerous consequence ; many of the young Gentlemen iu
the Company's Service being of good families in Eng^land,
wlio would be very much scandalized at such marriages as
were like to be contracted here, without the consent of the
President ; particularly that one Crane, late chief Mate of -'"""^
ship " Falconbridge,''' was married to a Frenchman's daughter
of this place on Sunday last ; and in order to it renounced
the Protestant religion, which he had professed all his life till
within a few days before. The other was one Dutton, an -— — ~
ordinary fellow, who was married a week before at St. Thome
to Ann Ridley, whose father was formerly Governor of the
West Coast. Her small fortune being in the hands of the
Church, the minister, as one of her guardians, refused his
consent ; on which they went to St. Thome, and found a _^
priest to marry them there. The President adds that, to
show his resentment of such a practice, he had ordered the
Mettos not to suffer any of the Portuguese Padres belonging
to St. Thome to come into the English bounds. He further
proposed to the Board to consider of some proper orders to
be given for preventing the like practices for the future.
120 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
After some consideration, it was agreed that au order be pub-
lished in the Eng-lish and Portuguese languages, and put up
in writing at the Sea Gate and at the Portuguese Church,
that if any Christian inhabitant of Madras shall be married
in this city, at St. Thome, or elsewhere, without leave from-
the President; that if he be in the Company ^s service he
shall be liable to such penalty as we shall think fit ; but it*
the person so offending shall not be in the Company's service,
and only a free merchant or inhabitant of the Town, he shall
be expelled the English Government on the Coast of Coro-
mandel. Also any parent consenting to, or promoting, such
marriage, without leave as aforesaid, shall be liable to the
like penalty of expulsion.''''
Monday, 6th April. — "The President informs the Board
that on a full enquiry into the marriage of the Mate Crane,
mentioned in last Consultation, he finds that tiie said Crane
had been bred a Protestant, and continued to profess a Pro-
testant religion till within a few days of his marriage; and
then the woman whom he married refused to have the cere-
mony performed in the English Church, because all Roman
Catholics married there are obliged to subscribe a declaration
that they will bring up their children in the Protestant reli-
gion, by an order of Council dated the 25th of March 1680 ;
and that on her refusal there to comply with that obligation,
he had renounced the Protestant religion and declared him-
self a Roman Catholic in order to marry her. The President
therefore proposed to the consideration of the Board, whe-
ther that order of Council, dated Si5th of :March 1680, should
be repealed or not ; which being freely debated, it was un-
animously agreed to repeal the general orderj for the following
reasons.
" First, that the obligation is in its own nature unjust, and
a violation of that natural right which all parents have to
educate their children in that religion they think most ac-
ceptable to God. Secondly, that such a promise can be no
obligation on the conscience of any person, being unlawful in
itself. ThJrdlij, that the re<]uiring such a promise may be
MA.DRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 121
attended with ill cousequeiices, as in the instance now before
us ; the woman refusino^ to be married in the Enghsh Church
for that reason only ; the consequence of which was. Crane's
renouncin^j the Protestant religion aud declaring himself a
Roman Catholic.
" Ordered that the Secretary acquaint the Honorable Com-
pany's Chaplain of the place in writing with the repeal of
the aforesaid -order, and that he is not any more to require
such subscription."
" The President also acquaints the Board, that the severe
methods which he had taken to shov/ his resentment to the
Portuguese priests of St. Thome, for marrying any subject of
this Government without his consent, had produced a very
good effect ; for that the Padre Governor at St. Thome had
sent him a very submissive letter or address, wherein he
obliges himself, and those of his fraternity subject to him,
not to marr}' any persons subject to this Government for the
future, without asking his previous consent."
In the records of this period there is entered a curious wni,
■»■ 1720.
curious will, which serves to illustrate the ideas of
young Englishmen in those days. Charles Davers
was the fourth son of Sir Rohert Davers, Baronet.
He arrived at Madras in 1717, being at that time
eighteen years of age ; he died in 1720, aged twenty-
one. His salary was only five pounds a year, yet it
would seem that he had engaged in several trading
adventures. His desire to have his name and
memory perpetuated is very striking. The will
tells its own story : —
Thursday y 22nd September 1720. — " In the name of God,
Amen. I, Charles Davers, now of Fort St. George in East
India, Merchant, being of sound aud perfect mind and
memory, do make aud ordain this my last will and testament
in manner and form following.
122 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
'' Imprimis, I recommend my soal to God who g-ave it,
hoping- through the merits of a crucified Saviour to obtain a
joyful resurrection ; and my body I commit to the earth to
be decently interred ; and for all such worldly estates, as
these which it has pleased God to bless me with^ I give and
bequeath as follows ; viz.
" Imprimis, I leave unto the Charity School of this place
200 pag-odas ; and desire the boys belonging to this School
may attend me to the place of burial. Item, I leave unto
the Master and Mistress of said School 20 pagodas each for
mourning. I wish all piety and learning may attend them,
and that they may infuse the same into the children, by the
help of our Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, Amen.
'' Item, I leave unto my friend Mr. Thomas Wright
20 pagodas for mourning. I wish all health may attend him
in this world and happiness in the next.
" Item, I leave 200 pagodas for a tomb to be erected in
the burial place in form as follows. Four large pillars^ each
to be six covids high, and six covids distance one from the
other; the top to be arched, and upon each pillar a cherubim ;
and on the top of the arch the effigy of Justice. My body
to be laid in the middle of the four pillars, with a handsome
stone atop of me, raised about four feet ; and this inscription
in the stone : — ' Here lyeth the body of Charles Davers,
fourth son of Sir Robert Davers, Bart., who departed this life
the — of Anno Domini aged — .' The four pillars
to be encompassed in with iron rails, which are to go from
pillar to pillar ; and at every square, steps to be raised with
stones, so as people may read the inscription.
" Item, I leave the Honorable Governor, Council, and
Secretary of this place, each a gold ring of one pagoda and
a half each value, with these words to be engraved in them,
' Charles Davers, obiit,^ etc. To whom I wish all tranquil-
lity, health, and prosperity.
"Item, I leave unto Dr. Pitchers, the sum of 30 pagodas
in case I die of my present illness, and that I did nut pay
him before I died.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 123
" Item, I leave unto my frieud, Mr. Paul Poxley, 20 pag-o-
das for mourning ; to whom I wish all health in this world,
and happiness in the next.
" Item, I leave uuto the Minister that attend me 20 pago-
das for a ring.
" Item, I leave unto my friend Mr. John Maubers 20 pago-
das for mourning.
'' Lastly, I leave my two trusty and beloved friends
Mr. George Sittwel and Mr. Catesby Oadham, my two
executors of this my last will and testament, and desire them
to see me carried to the place of burial in the manner follow-
ing, viz.
" My corpse to be carried from the Town Hall at seven
o'clock at night. I desire that all the free merchants of my
acquaintance to attend me in their palankeens to the place of
burial ; and as many of the Company's servants as I have
had any intimacy within my life-time ; that all that attend
me may have scarves and hat-bands decent. I desire that
Mr. Main, and the Charity boys, may go before my corpse,
and sing a hymn ; my corpse to be carried by six Englishmen
or more if occasion ; the minister and the rest of the gentle-
men following. I desire of the Honorable Governor that I
may have as many great guns fired as I am years old, which
is now almost twenty-one. In case it is customary to pay the
great guns firing I desire you to do it. I desire the favour
of the Captain of the guard to attend me ; and that you
present him with a gold ring the same as the Governor and
Council. And now as to my Estate. I have 1086 ounces of
silver, which my father sent me out this year. I am con-
cerned with Mr. Thomas Theobalds in a respondentia bond in
the ' George ' Brigantine. I have also an adventure with
Captain James Hurdis, the prime cost being 72 pagodas
and a half. I have at this time in my escritore about 100
pagodas, besides clothes and linen ; an account of which I
always keep in my escritore. I desire of my two executors
to accept of 30 pagodas each for mourning; and each a ring
of 15 pagodas value, with my name and time of death en-
graved upon it.
124 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
^^ After my corpse is buried, wliich I desire may be done
very handsomely, the remainder of my estate I desire may be
laid out in rice, and be given to the poor at the burial place,
as long as it lasts. This I declare to be my last mil and
testament.
Charles Davees.^'
rHptajn Whilst Mr. Collet was Governor of Madras a
Hainiltou at
Maura.s. Certain sea captain, named Alexander Hamilton,
paid a visit to Madras. Captain Hamilton was a
character in his way. From 1688 to 1723, a j^eriod
of thirty-five years, he was engaged in trading and
travelling by sea and land between the Cape of
Good Hope and the Island of Japan. In 1727 he
published what he called " A new Account of the
East Indies," in two volumes octavo. His account
of Madras is an interesting supplement to the in-
formation supplied from the Madras records. It is
given in his own words : —
eue of Madras. *' Fort St. Georgc or Madras, or, as the Natives call it,
China Patam, is a colony and city belonging to the English
East India Company, situated in one of the most incommodi-
ous places I ever saw. It fronts the sea, which continually
rolls impetuously on its shore, more here than in any other
place on the coast of Chonnondel. The foundation is in sand,
with a salt-water river on its back side, which obstructs all
springs of fresh-water from coming near the town, so that
they have no drinkable water within a mile of them, the
sea often threatening destruction on one side, and the
river in the rainy season threatening inundations on the
other. The sun from April to September is scorching
hot; and if the sea-breezes did not moisten aud cool the
air when they blow, the place could not possibly be inha-
bited. The reason why a Fort was built in that place is
not well accounted for; but tradition says, that the gentle-
MADRAS UXDER THE MOGHULS. 125
man, who received his orders to build a Fort on that coast,
about the beginning- of King Charles II's reign after his
Restoration, for protecting the Company^s trade, chose that
place to mine the Portuguese trade at St. Thomas. Others
again alledge, and with more probability, that the gentle-
man aforesaid, which I take to be Sir William Langhorn,
had a mistress at St. Thomas he was so enamoured of, that
made him build there, that their interviews might be the more
frequent and uninterrupted ; but whatever his reasons were,
it is very ill situated.' The soil about the city is so dry and
sandy, that it bears no corn, and what fruits, roots and
herbage they have, are brought to maturity by great pains
and much trouble. If it be true, that the Company gave
him power to settle a colony in any part of that coast that
pleased him best, I wonder that he choosed not Cabelon,
about six leagues to the southward, where the ground is
fertile, and the water good, with the conveniency of a poiut
of rocks to facilitate boats landing ; or why he did not go
nine leagues farther northerly, and settle at Policat on the
banks of a good river, as the Dutch have done since, where
the road for shipping is made easy by some sand banks, that
reach three leagues off shore, and make the high turbulent
billows that come rolling from the sea spend their force on
those banks before they can reach the shore. The soil is
»ood, and the river commodious, and convenient in all ,
seasons. Now whether one of those places had not been
more eligible, I leave to the ingenious and those concerned
to comment on.^
" However, the war carried on at Bengal and Bombay, by Prosperity af
the English against the MoghuFs subjects, from 1685 to 1689, the wars.
1 It will have already been seen that this is mere local scandal. The site
of the Fort was chosen in 1639 by a Mr. Day.
^ Hamilton was only acquainted with the local gossip ; he knew nothing
of authentic history. Cabelon would not have been a fitting site for an
English settlement j it was of the utmost importance to choose an island
to keep off predatory horsemen. Agaiu, Policat, properly Pulicat, was founded ->—
by the Dutch some years before the English founded Madras. At one time \
the English did settle at Pulicat, but left it ou account of the Dutch. 'v
126 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
made Fort St. George put on a better dress than he wore
before ; for the peaceable Indian merchants, who hate con-
tention and war, came flocking thither, because it lay far
from those incumberers of trade, and near the diamond
mines of Golcondah, where there are, many times, good
bargains to be made, and money got by our Governors.
The black merchants resorting to our colony, to secure their
fortunes, and bring their goods to a safe market, made it
populous and rich, notwithstanding its natural inconven-
iencies. The town is divided into two parts. One where
the Europeans dwell is called the White Town. It is walled
quite round, and has several bastions and bulwarks to defend
its walls, which can only be attacked at its ends, the sea
and river fortifying its sides. It is about 400 paces long,
and 150 paces broad, divided into streets pretty regular, and
Fort St. George stood near its center. There are two
Churches in it, one for the English and another for the
Romish service. The Governor superintends both, and, in
filling up vacancies in the Romish Church, he is the Pope^s
Legate a latere in spiritualities. There is a very good hospital
in the town, and the Company's horse-stables are neat ; but
the old college, where a great many gentlemen factors are
obliged to lodge, is ill kept in repair,
Town-haii and " They have a Town-hall, and underneath are prisons for
orpora ion. ^gjjj^ors. They are, or were a corporation, and had a Mayor
and Aldermen to be chosen by the free Burgers of the town ;
but that scurvy way is grown obsolete, and the Governor and
his Council or party fix the choice. The city had laws and
ordinances for its own preservation, and a court kept in
form, the Mayor and Aldermen in their gowns, with maces
on the table, a clerk to keep a register of transactions and
cases, and attornies and solicitors to plead in form, before
the Mayor and Aldermen ; but, after all, it is but a farce,
for, by experience, I found that a few pagodas rightly
placed, could turn the scales of justice to which side tho
Governor pleased, without respect to equity or reputation.
Mayor's Court. « jj^ smaller matters, where the case, on both sides, is but
weakly sui)portod by money, then the Court acts judiciously.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 127
according to their consciences and knowledge ; but often
against law and reason, for the Court is but a Court of
-conscience, and its decisions are very irregular; and the
Governor's dispensing power of annulling all that the Court
transacts, puzzles the most celebrated lawyers there to find
rules in the statute laws.
"They have no martial law, so they cannot inflict the Law at Madras,
pains of death any other ways than by whipping or
starving; only for piracy they can hang ; and some of them
have been so fond of that privilege, that INIr, Yale hanged his
groom (Cross) for riding two or three days' journey off to
take the air; but, in England, he paid pretty well for his
arbitrary sentence. And one of a later date, viz., the orthodox
Mr. Collet, hanged a youth who was an apprentice to au
officer on board of a ship, and his master going a-piiating,
carried his servant along with him ; but the youth ran from
them the first opportunity he met with, on the Island of
Junk-Ceylon, and informed the master of a sloop, which lay
in a river there, that the pirates had a design on his sloop
and cargo, and went armed, in company with the master,
to hinder the approach of the pirates, and was the first that
fired on them — yet that merciful man was inexorable, and the
youth was hanged.
" That power of executing pirates is so strangely stretched Pirates.
that if any private trader is injured by the tricks of a
governor, and can find no redress ; if the injured person is
so bold as to talk of Lex talionis, he is infallibly declared a
pirate.
"In the year 1719 I went on a trading voyage to Siam, Hamilton's
on the foundation of a treaty of commerce established in the ^°-^^^ ^^ '^'°*
year 1684 between King Charles and the King of Siam's
ambassador at London; but, in 1718, Mr. Collet sent one
Powney his ambassador to Siam, with full power to annul the
old treaty, and to make a new one detrimental to all British
subjects, except those employed by Collet himself. It was
stipulated, that all British subjects that had not Collet's letter,
should be obliged to pay eight per cent, new customs, and
measurage for their ship, which come to about five hundred
128 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
— — pounds sterling for a ship of 300 tuns, to sell their caigoes to
whom they pleased, but the money to be paid into the King's
cash that he might deliver goods for it at his own prices,
M'hether proper for their homeward markets or no. I coming
to Siam, sent my second supercargo up to the city, with orders
to try the market, and hire an house for the use of the cargo
and ourselves. He could not get a boat to bring him back,
before the ship arrived at Bencock (?. e., Bankok), a castle about
half-way up, where it is customary for all ships to put their
guns ashore. So then being obliged to proceed with the ships
to the city, I understood the conditions of the new treaty of
commerce, which I would, by no means, adhere to, but desired
leave to be gone again. They used many persuasions to make
me stay, but to no purpose, unless I might trade on the old
and lawful treaty. They kept me from the beginning of
August to the latter end of December, before they would let
me go, and then I was obliged to pay measurage before they
parted with me.
Hamilton's ^' I wrotc my grievance to Mr. Collet, complaining of
grievance. Powncy's villanous transactions, not seeming to know that
they were done by Collet's order, and let some hints fall of
Lex falionis, if I met with Powney conveniently, which so
vexed Mr, Collet that he formally went to the Town-hall, and
_ declared me a rank pirate, though I and my friends came off
^ with al)ove £3,000 loss.
" I should not have been so particular but that I saw
some printed papers at London in 1725, that extolled his
piety, charity, and justice in very high encomiums; but it
-I must have been done by some mercenary scribbler that did
not know him : but now he is dead, I will say no more of him.
Inhabitants of " The Black Town at Madras is inhabited by Gentoos '
Black Town. , ,. . . . .
Mahometans, and Indian Christians, viz., Armenians and Por-
tuguese, where there are temples and churches for each reli-
gion, every one being tolerated, and evecy one follows his
proper employment. It was walled in towards the land when
Governor Pitt ruled it. He had some apprehension that the
' Tlic torin Gcntoo is nppliecl in Madras to the Tiimil speaking: Hindus
who occupy the whole of tbo Carnatic i>lain in tlie Eastern reniusuln.
»r
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 129
Mogliul generals in Golconda might some time or other
plunder it^ so laying the hazard and danger before the
inhabitants, they were either persuaded or obliged to raise
subsidies to wall their town, except towards the sea and the
White Town.'
f" The two towns are absolutely governed by the Governor, Governor
J . , , , ,, 1 n ^ •!• -,11 absolute.
J in whose hands the command or the military is lodged;
~\ but all other affairs belonging to the Company are man-
j^ aged by him and his Council, most part of whom are
generally his creatures.'^ And I have been and am acquainted
with some gentlemen who have been in that post, as well
as some private gentlemen who resided at Fort St. George — •
men of great candour and honour, — but they seldom continued
long favourites at court.J
*' One of the gates o^ the White Town at Madras looks Seagate.
towards the sea, and it is for that reason called the Sea-gate.
The gate-way being jiretty spacious, was formerly the common
exchange, where merchants of all nations resorted about
eleven o^clock in the forenoon to treat of business in merchan-
dize ; but that custom is out of fashion, and the consultation
chamber, or the Governor's apartment, serves for that use now,
which made one Captain Hard, a very merry man, say, ' that
he could never have believed that the Sea-gate could have
been carried into the consultation room if he had not seen it.'
''The Company has their mint here for coining bullion Mint, schools
that comes from Europe and other countries, into rupees, '^"
which brings them in good revenues. The rupee is stamped
with Persian characters, declaiing the MoghuFs name, year
of his reign, and some of his epithets. They also coin
gold into pagodas of several denominations and value.
There are also schools for the education of children ; the
English for reading and writing English, the Portuguese
for their language and Latin, and the jNIahometans, Gentoos,
and Armenians for their particular languages. And the
English Church is well endowed, and maintains poor gentle-
women in good housewifery, good clothes, and palanquins.
' Here is another instance of Hamilton's ignorance. lie was not actjuaintcil
with the sii'ge of Mailias by Nawiib Daiid Khnn.
»j W"i *--
130 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Diamond mines. "The diamond mines beiug but a week's journey from
Fort St. George, make them pretty plentiful there ; but few
great stones are now brought to market there, since that
great diamond which Governor Pitt sent to England.- How
he purchased it Mr. Glover, by whose means it was brought
to the Governor, could give the best account, for he declared
to me that he lost 3000 pagodas by introducing the seller
to Mr. Pitt, having left so much money in Ai'cot as security,
. that if the stone was not fairly bought at Fort St. George,
the owner should have free liberty to carry it where he
pleased for a market; but neither the owner nor Mr. Glover
was pleased with the Governor's transactions in that affair.
Working of the " Somc customs aud laws at the mines are, when a person
Limes. g,^gg thither on that affair, he chooses a piece of ground,
and acquaints one of the MoghuFs officers, who stay there for
that service, that he wants so many covets of ground to
dig in j but whether they agree for so much, or if the price
be certain, I know not. However, when the money is paid,
the space of ground is enclosed, and some sentinels placed
round it. The Moghul challenges all stones that are found
above a certain weight — I think it is about sixty grains ; and
if any stones be carried clandestinely away above the sti-
, pulated weight, the person guilty of the theft is punished
with death. Some are fortunate, and get estates by digging,
while others lose both their money and labour.
Decrease of " The Current trade of Fort St. George runs gradually
slower, the trader meeting witli disappointments, and some-
times with oppressions, and sometimes the liberty of buying
and selling is denied them ; and I have seen, wheu the
Governor's servants have bid for goods at a public sale,
some who had a mind to bid more durst not, others who had
more courage and durst bid, were brow-beaten and threatened.
And I was witness to a bargain of Surat wheat taken out
of a gentleman's hands after he had fairly bought it by
— auction ; so that many trading people are removed to other
parts, where there is greater liberty and less oppression.
Foreign trade. "The colony at Madras produces very little of its own
growth or manufacture for foreign markets. They had formerly
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 13I
a trade to Pegu, where many private traders got pretty good
bread by their traffic aud industry ; but the trade is now
removed into the Armenians, Moors, and Gentoo's hands, and
the English are employed in building and repairing of ship-
ping. The trade they have to China is divided between them
and Surat, for the gold and some copper are for their own
markets, and the gross of their cargo, which consists in
sugar, sugar candy, alum, China ware, and some drugs, as
China root, gallingal, &c., are all for the Surat market,
" Their trade to Persia must first come down the famous
Ganges, before it can come into Fort St. George^s channels to
be conveyed to Persia. They never had any trade to Mocha
in the products and manufactures of Coromandel before the
year 1713, and Fort St. David supplies the goods for that
port, so that Fort St. George is an emblem of Holland in
supplying foreign markets with foreign goods.
" The colony is well peopled, for there is computed to be Population.
eighty thousand inhabitants in the towns and villages ; and
there are generally about four or five hundred Europeans
residing there, reckoning the gentlemen, merchants, seamen
and soldiery. Their rice is brought by sea from Ganjam and
Orissa ; their wheat from Surat and Bengal ; and their firewood
from the islands of Diu, a low point of land that lies near
Masulipatam, so that any enemy that is superior to them
in sea forces may easily distress them/'
Captain Hamilton lias left the following account st. xhom^.
of the neighbouring settlement at St. Thome. It
is a curious supplement to the description of the
same town by Dr. Fryer : —
" St. Thomas is next, which lies about three miles to the Legend of
southward of Fort St. George. The city was built by the
Portuguese, and they made the Apostle its godfather; but
before that it was called Meliapore. There is a little dry
rock on the land within it, called the Little Mount, where
the Apostle designed to have hid himself, till the fury of the
pagan priests, his persecutors, had blown over. There was a
132 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
convenient cave in that rock for his purpose, but not one
drop of water to drink, so St. Thomas cleft the rock with
his hand, and commanded water to come into the clift,
which command it readily obeyed ; and ever since there is
water in that clift, both sweet and clear. When I saw it
there were not above three gallons in it. He staid there a few
days, but his enemies had an account of his place of refuge,
and were resolved to sacrifice him, and in great numbers
were approaching the mount. When he saw them coming-
he left his cave, and came down in order to seek shelter some-
where else and at the foot of the mount, as a testimony
that he had been there, he stamped with his bare foot on a
very hard stone, and left the print of it, which remains there
to this day a witness against those persecuting priests.
The print of his foot is about sixteen inches long, and, in pro-
portion, narrower at the heel and broader at the toes than
the feet now in use among us. He, fleeing for his life to
another larger mount, about two miles from the little one,
was overtaken on the top of it before he was sheltered, and
there they run him through with a lance and in the same
place where he was killed, he lies buried.
Church at "When the Portuguese first settled there, tliey built a
St. Thome. ° . "^
church over the cave and well on the Little Mount, and also one
over his grave on the Great Mount, where the lance that
killed the Apostle is still kept as a relic; but how the
Portuguese came by that lance is a question not yet well
resolved. In that church there is a stone tinctured with the
Apostle's blood that cannot be washed out. I have often been
at both mounts, and have seen those wonderful pieces of
antiquity.
Company's " At the foot of the Great Mount the Company has
a garden, and so have the gentlemen of figure at Fort
St. George, with some summer-houses, where ladies and
gentlemen retire in the summer to recreate themselves when
the business of the town is over, and to be out of the noise
of spiuigers and impertinent visitant!^, wlmm this city is
often molested with.
MADRAS UNDEll THE MOGHULS. I33
" The city of St. Thomas was foraierly the best mart town Decay of
on the Coromandel coast, but at present has very little trade
and the inhabitants, who are but few, are reduced to great
poverty. The English settling at Fort St. George were the
cause of its ruin, and there is little prosj)ect of its recovery.'"
In 1727, some years after the visit of Captain Re-oiganisation
" ■*■ of the Mayor's
Hamilton, the Mayor's Com't at Madras was re- ^°'^^-
organised by Ejoyal Charter. It consisted of a
Mayor and nine Aldermen, with power to decide
all civil cases amongst the English inhabitants; but
there was always an appeal to the Governor and
Council. The change was carried out with much
ceremony. All the gentlemen appeared on horse-
back on the parade, and moved in the following
procession to the Company's garden-house : —
'^ Major John Roach on horseback at the head of a Com- Grotesque
procession.
pany of Foot Soldiers, with Kettle drum. Trumpet, and other
music.
"The Dancing Girls with the Country music.
" The Pedda Naik on horseback at the head of his Peons.
*/ The Marshall with his staff on horseback.
*' The Court Attorneys on horse back.
" The Registrar carrying the old Charter on horseback.
'' The Serjeants with their Maces on horseback.
" The old Mayor on the right band
and the new on the left.
" The Aldermen two and two, all on f ^'^ halberdiers,
horseback.
" The Company's Chief Peon on horseback, with his Peons,
*^ The Sheriff with a White Wand on horseback.
^' The Chief Gentry in the Town on horseback.""
The further history of Madi^as shows the rise of Pouticai
relations.
political relations between the English and the
Native powers.
134
EAELY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Hindu and
Mogbul
administration
contrasted.
Nawab of Arcot. Maclras was included in the Moghiil province of
Arcot. The EngKsh at Madras paid their yearly-
rent of twelve hundred pagodas to the Nawab of
Arcot. The Nawab was subordinate to the Nizam
of the Dekhan, and paid a yearly tribute to the
Nizam.* The existing state of affairs may be
gathered from the following extract from a general
letter, dated 1733 :—
" Before this countiy was conquered by the Mogul, it
was divided into several circles under the government of
particular Rajahs, which descended from father to son. Their
revenues for the most part were from the produce of the
land, and they therefore were always careful to keep up
the banks of the tanks, or reservoirs of water, and to cleanse
them of the mud ; of which they were at the expense them-
selves, knowing that the land would produce more or less
according as they had a quantity of water. But the Moguls
who have now the government of the country, and are con-
tinued in those governments only during pleasure, do not
think themselves under the same obligation to be at that
expense for their successors. By which means in process of
time the tanks are almost choked up, and great part of the
lands lie uncultivated for want of water. This alone would
occasion grain to be scarce and of course dear ; to which i£
we add the rapacious disposition of the Moguls, altogether
intent upon making the most of theu' governments while
they continue in them, we need not seek far for the reason
why, even within these ten years, the lands which are tenanted
are let for more than double what they were before."
Breaking np of ^ 1738-39, tlic powcr of tlic Moghul King or
EmS'^'^ Padishah received a mortal blow from the Persian
' The Nawab of Arcot is sometimes known as the Nawab of the Carnatic.
The Nizam of the Dekhau is better kuuwu iu the present clay as the Nizaiu of
Hyderabad.
\
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 135
X
invasion under Nadir Sliali.^ Erom that date the
Moghul provinces began to grow independent of
the Mosrhul coiu-t at Delhi. The Nizam of the — ^
Dekhan began to reign as a sovereign prince, and
treated the Nawab of Arcot as his feudatory.
The Nizam of the Dekhan, better known as the crowin?
inaependence
Nizam of Hyderabad, was perhaps the most distin- °{ HjderaC
guished man of his time. His real name was Cliin
Kulich Khan. He is best known by his full title of
-Nizam-ul-Mulk, or " Eegulator of the State." He
had served in the armies of Aurungzeb. He had
filled important posts in the Court at Delhi. He
had been appointed to the government of all the
Moghul conquests in the Dekhan. He had engaged
in frequent wars against the Mahrattas of Poona
to the west, and those of Berar to the northward.
He was becoming an independent prince. His do-
minion extended from the river Godavari southward
to the river Kistna. It was bounded on the west
by the Mahrattas of Poona ; on the north by the
Malu'attas of Berar ; on the east by the Bay of
Bengal.
The Nawab of Arcot was a deputy of the Nizam. Dcpcndenoeof
-L '' tlie Xawab of
His province lay to the south of the Nizam's *[,^^t°° the
dominions. It extended from the river Kistna south-
wards to the river Koleroon. It was bounded on
the north by the Nizam's territory ; on the west by
the Mysore country ; on the south by the Hindu
^ The invasion of Nadir Shah was not directly felt at a remote settlement
ke Madras, excepting that it was followed by Mahratta invasions in the
Dekhan and Carnatic. It has an important bearing upon the progress of
affairs in Bengal, and will be accordingly noticed hereafter in dealing witli
that Presidency.
136 EAELY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
kingdoms of Tricliinopoly and Tan j ore ; on the east
by the Bay of Bengal.
Hereditary The Nawabs wevQ becominoj hereditary. The
Nawabs. ^ ^ "^
appointment was made by the Nizam. The letters
of investiture were received from the Vizier at
Delhi. The Nawab paid yearly tribute to the
Nizam.
Troubles in the About 1740, Pemusular India was in a turmoil.
Caraatic-
Chunda Saliib, a kinsman of the Nawab of Arcot,
got possession of the Hindu kingdom of Tricliinopoly
to the southward. The Nawab was angry because
Chimda Sahib would not give up Trichinopoly.
The Nizam was angry because the Nawab had
withheld all payment of tribute. The Mahrattas of
Poona' collected chout and plunder in the terri-
tories of the Nizam. The Malu-attas of Berar
pom^ed into the province of Arcot, and collected
chout and plunder in the territories of the Nawab.
The Nawab of Arcot was killed in a battle against
the Mahrattas.
Mahrattas at Tlicrc was auothcr complication. Subdar Ali,
the son of the dead Nawab, succeeded his father on
the throne of Ai'cot, without any regard to the
Nizam. He bribed the Mahrattas to go away by a
promise of two millions sterling, and the cession of
the kingdom of Trichinopoly. The Mahrattas
took Trichinopoly. They carried off Chunda Sahib
as a prisoner. Chunda Sahib was kept a prisoner
for several years by the Mahrattas, but was ulti-
* strictly speaking, the Poona Mahrattas kept their head-quarters^ at
Satarn, nnd did not return to Pooua until some few venrs afterwards.
Tric'hinapsly.
MADRAS UNDER THE MUGHULS. I37
mately released, and lived to play a prominent part
in history.
The Nizam was more ansrry than ever,, The Murder of the
'' " Nawab.
Nawab of Arcot had defied him. He demanded
instant payment of arrears of tribute from the
Nawab. He threatened to dethrone the Nawab
unless the money was paid. The Nawab was al-
ready at his wits' end to pay the Mahrattas. He
prepared for extremities. He moved into the strong
fort at Vellore. He sent his women and treasures
to Madras. He levied contributions from every
town and fort in the Carnatic. A kinsman named
Mortiz Ali refused to pay his quota. The Nawab
was peremptory. Suddenly the Nawab was mur-
dered at Vellore at the instigation of Mortiz Ali. >-•**
Next morninor Vellore was in a tumult. The Accession of the
Nawab's son,
Nawab's officers clamoured for revenge. They were
quieted for a while by promises of arrears of pay.
Mortiz Ali was proclaimed Nawab. He went in
great state to Arcot, but public opinion was against
him. The Mahrattas at Trichinopoly declared
against him. The Enghsh at Madras refused to
give up the women and treasures of the murdered
Nawab. His army demanded instant payment of
arrears. He disguised himself as a woman and
escaped to Vellore in a covered palanquin. A young
son of the late Nawab was proclaimed Nawab. The
boy was named Sayyid Muhammad.
In 1743 the Nizam of Hyderabad marched to lutervcntion of
the Nizam.
Arcot with a vast army of eighty thousand horse
and two hundred thousand foot. He found the
23^ EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Carnatic in anarchy. Every governor of a fort,
every commander of a district, called himself a
Nawab. Eighteen Nawabs paid homage to the
Nizam in one day. The Nizam was furious. The
next man who dared to call himself Nawab was to
be scourged.
Anwar-ud-din. Tlio Nlzam apppolutcd a general of his own to
be Nawab of Ai'cot. The new Nawab was poisoned.
The Nizam appointed another Nawab named An-
war-ud-din. The people of the Carnatic made a
clamoiu'. They did not want a new comer. They
wanted a Nawab of the old family. New comers
neglected the tanks and oppressed the inhabitants.
The Nizam was willing to yield. He gave out that
Sayyid Muliammad was Nawab ; that Anwar-ud-din
was only a guardian.
Murder of the lu Juuc 1744 tlicro was a wedding at Arcot in
Anwar-ud-din" tlic famllv of tlic Navvab. A band of Af":hans
becomes Nawab. «' O
had long been clamouring for arrears of pay. On
the day of the wedding they clamoured again ; they
were tm'ned out of the palace ; they feigned great
contrition. In the evening the young Nawab was
sitting in the hall of the palace with Mortiz Ali
and other guests. His guardian was approaching
the palace to join in the festivities. The young
Nawab went out of the hall into the vestibule to
receive his guardian on the steps. He was saluted
with feigned respect by the very Afghans who had
been so clamourous in the morning ; suddenly
he was stabbed to the heart by the leader of tlie
Afghans. Tlie murderer was cut to pieces on the
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 189
spot. Mortiz Ali fled to Vcllore. Anwav-ud-diii
dismissed the multitude. Both the kinsman and
the guardian were suspected of being concerned
in the murder. The young Nawab was the last of
the dynasty. After his death Anwar-ud-din was
appointed Nawab by the Nizam.
At this crisis war broke out between Great Britain war between
Great Britain
and Prance. In 1745 an English fleet appeared at '"""^ ^''^'''''
Madras. Dupleix was governor of the Prench set-
tlement at Pondicherry, about a hundred miles to
the southward of Madras. There had always been Madras captured
and restored.
commercial rivalry between the English at Madras
and the Prencli at Pondicherry. Dupleix was
alarmed at the English fleet. He prevailed on the
Nawab to forbid all hostilities between the English
and Prench on the land. The English fleet made
a few captures of Prench ships on the sea and sailed
away. In 1746 a Prench fleet appeared off Madras
under La Bourdonnais. The Prench broke the
orders of the Nawab and bombarded Madras. The
EngUsh surrendered the town of Madras and Port
St. George under promise of ransom. The Nawab
was quieted by the assm'ance that Madras should
be made over to Mm. He was disappointed. He be-
came furious. He attacked the Prench and was de-
feated. In 1748 the war was over. Madras was re-
stored to the English by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.
In Europe there was peace between Great Britain Peace in Eurpoe:
war iu India,
and Prance. In Peninsular India there was no
peace. The English and Prench at Madras and
schemes of
Dupleix.
140 EARLY RECORD.S OF BRITISH INDIA.
Ponclicheny could not quiet down under the treaty
of Aix-la-Chapelle. They had both imported sol-
diers from Europe. There was enmity in their
hearts. They only wanted an excuse for fighting.
They espoused the cause of rival Nizams and rival
Nawabs. They could not fight as hostile nations
because of the peace in Europe. They affected to
be friends. They only came into coUision as sup-
porters of rival princes.
Dupleix had long been planning grand schemes.
He wanted to establish French influence in the
Carnatic ; to found a Erench empire in India under
the shadow of a Native power. He knew that the
people hankered after the family of the old Nawabs.
He procured the release of Chunda Sahib from the
Mahrattas. He set up Chunda Sahib as a rival to
Anwar-ud-din. At this moment news came that
the Nizam was dead at Hyderabad. He is said to
have been more than a hundred years old.
Death of the Thc Nlzaui dlcd in 1748. His death was followed
Kizaui : war for
by a war for the succession. His eldest son was at
Delhi. His second son, Nasir Jung, was in prison
for rebellion. This second son escaped from his pri-
son and claimed the tlu'one. A grandson, Muzafir
Jung, took up arms against Ms uncle. Dupleix
saw liis opportunity. He hoped to place a Erench
Nizam on the throne of Hyderabad and a Erench
Nawab on the throne of Arcot. He supported the
grandson against the uncle, just as he was supporting
Chunda Sahib against Anwar-ud-din.
the succcbgion.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. m
Eortune sniiled on Dupleix. He rained his obiect chunda sainb,
i^ ^ J the French
as regards setting up Chunda Sahib as a French ^iXmmad
Nawab at Arcot. Anwar-ud-din was slain in battle. Nawab! ^"^'"'
His troops fled in confusion. His son Muhammad
All escaped south to Tricliinopoly. Henceforth
Chunda Sahib, of the old Arcot dynasty, may be
distinguished as the Trench Nawab, in opposition
to Muhammad Ali, the son of the new comer, who
became known as the English Nawab.
Dupleix achieved a signal triumph. The Erench French Nawab
■•- ox _ set tip by
marched to Arcot accompanied by their native oupieix.
aUies. They enthi-oned Chunda Sahib as a French
Nawab of Arcot. They went to Pondicherry in
great glory. Dupleix was presented with eighty-
one villages by the new Nawab.
Dupleix had made a French Nawab of Arcot. EnsUsh claimant
■•■ _ at Trichiuopoly.
He had yet to make a French Nizam of Hyderabad.
Meantime the EngKsh had espoused the cause of
Muhammad Ali, who was still holding out at Tri-
chinopoly.
Dupleix ursred Chunda Sahib to attack Trichino- Fauure of the
■*- ^ . , . French
poly ; indeed the immediate capture of Tricliinopoly ^^^pui?"*" '"
was of paramount importance. It would ruin the '^"'^"""P" ^•
English Nawab and fix the Fi'ench Nawab firmly
on the tlu'one. It would enable the confederate
forces to march into the Dekhan and place a French
Nizam on the throne of Hyderabad. But neither
the French Nawab nor the French Nizam had any
money. They delayed operations in order to squeeze
Hindu Rajas. Suddenly news came that the uncle
of the Frencli Nizam liad established himself on
142 EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
the throne of Hyderabad, and was marching into
the Carnatic at the head of an overwlielming army.
Nazir jun?, ihe Thc news was a crushing blow to Dupleix and his
English Nizam.
native allies. The new Nizam, Nazb Jung, was
joined by all the Rajas and so-called Nawabs in the
Carnatic. He was also joined by the EngKsh and
the English Nawab ; consequently he is best distin-
guished as the English Nizam. He passed Arcot,
and marched further south with three hundred
thousand horse and foot, eight liundred guns, and
tliirteen hundi'cd elephants.
Triumph of the Tlic Ercuch took the field with their native
Kiifjlish Ni/.am
Na'wab.^"''' allies; but their cause was hopeless. To make
matters worse, the officers of the French battalion
broke out in mutiny. The Erench Nizam was
forced to surrender. His uncle, the English Nizam,
swore on the Koran not to hm^t him. He went
to pay homage to his uncle, but was thrown into
irons. There was thus a complete revolution of
affairs. The English Nizam was estabhshed at
Hyderabad, and the English Nawab was established
at Arcot ; whilst the French Nizam was a prisoner
at Hyderabad and the French Nawab was a fugitive
at Pondicheriy.
Revolution and Duplclx was almost in despair. Suddenly there
transformation.
was a change in the aspect of affairs. It was not a
revolution, such as might have occurred in a Euro-
pean court ; it was an entire transformation like a
new scene in a pantomime.
Murder of the Tlu'cc turbulcut Afghan chieftains raised an
Kujflish Nizam; . .. .
'ri'""ph "f the uproar m the jS izam s cam}) ; the JNizam gallopi)ca
MADRA>S UNDER THE MOGHULS. 1^3
to the spot, and was shot dead. The Erench Nizam
was taken out of his prison and placed upon the
throne of Hyderabad.
This unexpected news soon reached Pondicherry. Triumph of the
^ ^ '' French Nawab.
Dnpleix and Chunda Sahib were wild with joy.
They embraced one another Kke men escaped from
shipwreck. In December 1750 the French Nizam
of Hyderabad went to Pondicherry. He entered oiory of oupuix.
the city with Dupleix in the same palanquin. He
appointed Dupleix to the charge of all the Carnatic
country to the south of the Kistna. He appointed
Chunda Sahib to be Nawab of Arcot imder Dupleix.
The Erench Governor had realised his dream of
empu'e.
In January 1751 the Erench Nizam returned to French at
the Dekhan. He was accompanied by a Prench '^'^" ^''''^•
force under Bussy. There was another revolution.
The three Afghans were again in discontent.
There was another uj)roar. The Erench Nizam was
pierced through the brain with a javelin. Bussy
was not discomfited. There were several state pri-
soners at Hyderabad. He selected one that seemed
likely to suit his purpose, and took him out of the
prison, and proclaimed liim Nizam of Hyderabad
imder the name of Salabat Jung.
E,evolutions had followed one another with saiabatjung, the
iTrench Nizam,
bewildering rapidity. It is difiicult to realise the Silrn cirears
political transformations. Dupleix had displayed
genius, energy, tact, and audacity. His success
was marvellous. Salabat Junar was a French Ni-
zam in every sense of the word. He not only owed
144 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
his tlu-one to tlie French, but he was only main-
tained on the tlu'one by Bussy and liis Erench
army. He found that not only his throne but his
life depended upon the support of a Erench force.
He ceded a territory six hundred miles in length
along the eastern coast of the Dekhan, as a perma-
nent provision for the maintenance of a Erench
army. This territory, which rendered the Erench
all-powerful in the Dekhan, was known as the
Northern Ckcars.
Engiisii Nawab Tlic fortuucs of thc Erench had reached their
besieged at
pondicherry. gcmth. Thc Eugllsh had lost their footing in the
Dekhan; they all but lost then' footing in the
Peninsula. There was not only a Erench Nizam
of Hyderabad but a Erench Nawab of Arcot. The
English and their Nawab were still holding out
at Trichinopoly ; but the place was closely besieged
by the Erench and their Nawab. The fall of Tri-
chinopoly was a mere question of time ; it would
have been followed by the ruin of the English and
the destruction of then' Nawab. Such was the crisis
of the war ; the moment when Robert Clive gained
name and fame.
ci.vp relieves Robcrt Clivc was born in 1725; he came to
Triehiiiiip'il.v by
India in 1744. He Avas a writer in the Company's
service at Madras. Subsequently he served as a
volunteer in the war, and obtained a commission.
In August 1751 he was a young Captain of twenty-
six. He saw, with the instinct of a soldier, that
nothing but the relief of Trichinopoly could save
tlic English and their Nawab from destructicm ;
Ihe eapliire and
cfcucc of Arc-ot.
MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS. 145
that the only way to relieve Trichinopoly was to
draw the enemy elsewhere. He proposed to cap-
ture Arcot, the old capital of the Nawabs. He led
a small force from Madras to Arcot. He marched
without concern through a terrible storm of rain
and lightning. The garrison at Arcot was in alarm,
and fled at his approach. He entered Arcot and
occupied the fort. The enemy did exactly what
Clive wanted them to do ; tbey sent an army of ten
thousand men from Trichinopoly to recover Arcot.
Clive had only a hundred and twenty Europeans
and two hundred sepoys. He held out at Arcot for
fifty days. He resisted every assault. He filled
up every breach as soon as it was made. He
sallied forth at night and harassed the besiegers.
He kept the enemy in constant alarm. His prowess
spread far and wide. The Mahrattas were struck
with admiration; and marched to his help. The
commander of the besieging army was more al-
armed than ever ; he threatened, he offered bribes ;
he tried to carry Arcot by storm. All was in
vain. He was compelled to break up his camp,
and leave Arcot in the possession of Clive.
The story of the defence of Arcot is famous in ciory of ciive.
history. The name of Captain Clive was on every
tongue. He was praised by William Pitt, the great
war minister of England. Pitt declared that Clive
was a "heaven-born general."
The defence of Arcot changed the fortunes of English Nawab
the war. Tlic French were still all-powerful in the French Nizam at
^ Hyderabad.
-Dekhan. Their Nizam, Salabat Jung, was still
K
146 EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
reigning at Hyderabad. But their cause was lost in
the Peninsula. They were compelled to raise the
siege of Trichinopoly. Their Nawab surrendered to
a Hindu Raja and was put to death. The English
Nawab, Muhammad Ali, was placed on the throne
of Arcot. In the end Dupleix was ruined. Chunda
Sahib perished. In 1754 peace was made between
the EngUsh and Erencli in India ; it was agreed that
the existing status should be maintained — a Erench
Nizam at Hyderabad, and an English Nawab at
Arcot. Meanwhile Dupleix returned to Erance a
broken-hearted man.
CHAPTER VI.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL.
1640—1750.
THE English found it far more difficult to settle mokUui obstruc-
o tiveness.
in Bengal tlian in Madras. At Madras they
purchased a site for a settlement from a Hindu
Raja ; they had huilt a factory and a strong fort
fifty years hefore the Moghuls invaded Peninsular
India. In Bengal the English found the Moghuls
already in possession ; consequently they had great
difficulty in estahlishing a trade ; at last they were
allowed to estahhsh factories, hut were strictly pro-
hibited from building fortifications of any kind.
The Mos^huls were always iealous of Europeans, oia hatred of the
^ t/ d X Portuguese.
Shah Jehan, the father of Aurungzeb, became
Emperor in 1628. He had special reasons for hating
the Portuguese. They had established a settlement
at Hughli, on the river of the same name, about a
hundred and twenty miles from the Bay of Bengal.
They had refused to help him when he rebelled
against his father, and he never forgot the affront.
Muhammadans had other complaints against the Mussulman
■"- "^ complaints
Portuguese. They are thus set forth by Khafi ^l^'/'^Ve'^se.
Khan in a fah' and impartial spirit: —
" The officers of tlie King of Portugal occupied several
portS; and had built forts in strong positions. They founded
148 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
villages and acted very kindly towards the people^ and did
not vex them with oppressive taxes. They allotted a separate
quarter for the Mussulmans who dwelt with them, and ap-
pointed a Kazi over them to settle all matters of taxes and
marriage. But the Muhammadau call to prayer and puLlic
devotion were not permitted in their settlements : If a poor
Mussulman traveller had to pass through their possessions,
he would meet with no other trouble ; but he would not
be able to say his prayers at his ease. On the sea the Portu-
guese are not like the English ; they do not attack other
ships, provided the ships can show a pass from some Portu-
guese commandant. If no such pass can be produced they
will attack the ship. They will also attack the ships of
Arabia and Muskat, with which two countries they have
a long-standing enmity. If a ship from a distant port
is wrecked and falls into their hands, they look upon it as
their prize. But their greatest act of tyranny is this. If a
subject of these misbelievers dies leaving young children
and no grown-up son, the children are considered wards of
the State. They take them to their places of worship, their
churclies, wbich they have built in many places : and the
Padres, that is to say the priests, instruct the children in the
Christian religion, and bring them up in their own faith,
whether the child be a Mussulman or a Hindu. They will
also make them serve as slaves.'^ ^
je&V^^^'^ When Shah Jehan became Padishah he received
Hughh. 1632. |^j^|.gj. complaints against the Portuguese from the
Nawah of Bengal. They had fortified Hughli ;
planted great guns on their walls and bastions ;
carried on a traffic in slaves ; and set the Nawab
and his officers at defiance. Shah Jehan was ex-
ceedingly angry ; he remembered his old wrongs,
and exacted a temble reven£?e. Hui^hli was sur-
rounded by a Moghul army ; a bastion was blown
' See Professor Dowson's translation of Khafi Kban iu Elliot's History of
India, volume vii.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 1 [,9
up by a mine ; the shipping was set on fire and
a large number of prisoners was sent to Agra.
Sons and daughters of the Portuguese were placed
in the imperial harem, or distributed amongst the
grandees. Many parents were forced by threats of
a cruel death to abandon Christianity and accept
the Koran/
These horrors took place in 1632; one year English at Pipiy,
1633.
afterwards the English obtained permission to trade
in Bengal. The destruction of Hughli had not
frightened them ; on the contrary, they hoped to
get the Portuguese trade into their own hands.
But the Moghuls were resolved that no Europeans
whatever should defy them for the future. No
English ships were allowed to enter the Hughli river;
none were allowed to go beyond the port of Piply.
In 1640 the English obtained further privileges English trade
duty free, 1610.
from the Moghul. One of the daughters of Shah
Jehan had been severely burned by her clothes catch-
ing fire. The factors at Surat were requested to
send a surgeon to Court. A certain Dr. Gabriel
Boughton attended on the princess, and effected a
perfect cure. Shah Jehan was overjoyed, and told
Dr. Boughton to name his own reward. The patriotic
surgeon requested that the English Company might
be allowed to trade in Bengal without payment of
any duty.
1 According to Moghul story. Shah Jehan was worked upon by a favourite
wife, who was a zealous or fanatical votary of Islam. Shah Jehau was himself
as lux and indifferent on religious matters as any of his predecessors. The
facts stated in the text are taken from Stewart's History of Benyul ; occa-
soiually other authorities are quoted.
150 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH IXDIA.
English factory The booii was ff ranted; Bous^hton obtained tlie
at Hughli, d ' o
firman, and proceeded overland to Bengal. He
reached Piply, and saved an English, ship from the
payment of duties. At that time Shah Shuja, the
second son of Shah Jehan, was Viceroy of Bengal.
Dr. Bought on paid his respects to the Viceroy.
He cured one of the ladies of the prince of some
sickness. The English were then j)ermitted to build
a factory at Hughli, but without fortifications.
Henceforth Dr. Bought on was the hero of the Com-
pany's service, and obtained a lasting name in the
early annals of British India.
saitpe^^e factory rpj^g Euglisli madc large profits by their trade in
Bengal. They built factories in other places be-
sides Huglili, and sent home cargoes of silks,
cottons, and other commodities. Especially they
built a factory amongst the saltpetre grounds near
Patna. Saltpetre was in great demand in those
days, for civil war was beginning between Charles
the Eirst and his Parliament, and saltpetre was
required for the manufacture of gunpowder.
Absence of Nouc of thc carlv records have been preserved
records at t/ x
Calcutta. ^^ Calcutta. They were all destroyed in 1756,
when Calcutta was captured by the ruling Nawab.
Duplicates have doubtless been preserved in the
India Office, but have never been rendered available.
It is, however, possible to glean a few facts from
the histories of Stewart, Holwell, and others.
tTfJ^nlTshah -^^ 1056 there was a fratricidal war between the
four sons of Shah Jehan for the possession of the
imperial throne. Shah Shuja, Viceroy of Bengal,
I
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 151
took a part in the war, but was utterly defeated.
The fate of this prince throws some light upon the
existing state of affairs. He bribed some Portuguese
pirates to carry him with all his family and treasures
from Dacca to Arakan. The King of Arakan was
a half-barbarous pagan. At first he treated the
imperial prince with hospitality and respect. After
a while he began to hanker after the prince's jewels.
Then he wanted to take one of Shah Shuja's
daughters as a wife. The blood of the Mogliul fired
up at this insidting demand. It is needless to dwell
on a sad story. The prince was despoiled of all liis
treasiu'es, and he and all his household were brutally
murdered.
These wars for the succession broke out at the Mo-hui wars for
the succession.
death of every Moghul sovereign, and often whilst
the sovereign was still alive. They were always
attended with bloodshed, and productive of much
misery. The country was laid waste and plundered.
The people were at the mercy of every band of
horsemen, whether marching to \dctory or flying
for their lives. Rajas withheld their tribute;
Zemindars kept back the rents. There was no one
to keep the peace or protect the inhabitants. Law-
lessness and rapine reigned supreme.
Ben2:al did not escape the E^eneral anarchy. The invasion of
° ± O fl Bengal by the
King of Arakan, seeing that no attempt was made ^'""^ ''^ '^'^''*"-
to avenge the murdered prince, invaded Bengal
with an army of Muglis. There were many Portu-
guese pii'ates in his service; they were the scum
of Goa and Malacca. In former times they had
152
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Ravages of the
Riijas o( Assam
and Cooch
Behar.
Amir Jumla,
Viceroy of
Be u gal, 1658.
Shaista Khan,
Viceroy, 16ftl.
supplied the slave market at Hughli; they still
carried on the work of kidnapping and plunder in
every creek and channel of the Sunderbunds. Some-
times their galleys penetrated to Dacca, and they
became the terror of Lower Bengal.
Other destroying agents were at work, which
can scarcely be realised in the present day. The
Raja of Assam was plundering Bengal to the north-
ward of Dacca. The Baja of Cooch Behar was
engaged in other directions. All the Moghul
soldiers of the province were far away to the west-
ward ; they were engaged in the terrible struggle
which was convulsing Hindustan.
In 1658 the fratricidal war was over. Aurnngzeb
ascended the throne of the Moghuls the same year
that saw the death of Oliver Cromwell. The cele-
brated Amir Jiimla, the friend and adherent of
Aurungzeb, was appointed Viceroy of Bengal. He
laboured hard to restore order in Bengal. He in-
vaded Assam as far as the Cliinese frontier, but lost
the greater part of his army. He perished of the
disease which attacked liim during that ill-fated
exjiedition.^
Meanwhile, Aurungzeb was anxious about
Bengal. In time of peace the province yielded a
yearly revenue of half a million sterling to the im-
perial treasury, after payment of all salaries and
expenses. In 1G64 a kinsman of Aurungzeb, named
' Tl>e story of the Moghul invasion of Assam belongs to general history.
It will be told in Vol. IV, Part 2, of the author's History of ludia.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 153
Sliaista Khan, was appointed Viceroy of Bengal.'
This Muhammaclan grandee has been praised to
the skies as a pattern of excellence by courtly scribes.
In reality he was an oppressor of the Moghul type,
crafty and unscrupulous to the last degree.
Shaista Khan punished the Kin^ of Arakan, and Punishment of
A ^ the Kins oi
suppressed the Portuguese pirates, but he effected ^''''''''"•
his purpose by clever perfidy rather than by force of suppression of
arms. He tempted the pirates to join him with p''"''^'-'-
their galleys by the promise of double pay. He
employed them in destroying the fleet of Arakan.
Having thus got them in his toils, he dismissed them
from liis service, and left them to starve and die.
The English at Hughli bitterly complained of complaints of
the oppressions and exactions of Shaista Khan.
Indeed, during the reign of Aurungzeb, the Nawabs
of Bengal were very extortionate. That sovereign
kept a very sharp eye on the revenue. The Nawab
was not allowed to collect the revenue, and only drew
his regular salary ; consequently he was greedy of
presents and bribes. The collection and disburse-
ment of the revenues was the duty of an officer
appointed direct by the Padishah and known as the
King's Dew^an. Every Dewan knew that his place
and promotion depended on the amount of surplus
revenue which he yearly remitted to the imperial
treasury. Any collusion with the Nawab under
the searcliing eye of Aurungzeb w^as liable to be
followed by ruin and confiscation.
1 Sbaista Kban was uncle to Aurungzeb. He is the same man that had
such a narrow escape from Sivaji, the Mahratta. See ante, page 15.
254 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Commutation of Slialsta Kliaii ignored the grant of freedom from
duties
duty whicli tlie English obtained from Shah Jehan.
This was according to Moghul custom ; no sovereign
or governor was liable for the engagements of
his predecessor. Shaista Khan insisted on the
payment of the duties. The English at Hughli
found it expedient to commute the payment by a
yearly present of three thousand rupees to the
Nawab.
Tavprnier'8 Somc Idca of tlic coutcmporary state of Hindustan
journey from • i rr\
Agra to Dacca r^j^^ Bcuii^al mav be crathered f rom Tavernier s Travels,
ana Hugnli, o ti ~
iGGo-66. Tavernier was a Erench jeweller; he went from
Agra to Dacca in 1665-66, and there had an adven-
ture with the Nawab Shaista Khan. Erom Dacca
he went to Hughli, where he made acquaintance
with the English and Dutch factories. The follow-
ing extracts from the itinerary of the joui'ney will
speak for themselves^ : —
Agra. S5iA November 1665. — " I departed from Agra towards
Bengal.''
Bengal Revenue. ht Becemler . — " I met a hundred and ten waggons, every
waggon drawn by six oxen, and in every waggon fifty thousand
rupees. This is the revenue of the province of Bengal, with all
charges defrayed, and the Governor's purse well filled, comes
to fifty-five lakhs of rupees."
Bhinoceros. 2)1(1 Becemler, — " Crossing a field of millet, I saw a
rhinoceros feeding upon millet canes, which a little boy of
nine or ten years old gave him to eat. Wlien I came near
the boy, he gave me some millet to give the rhinoceros;
who immediately came to me, opening his chops three or
four times; I put the millet into his mouth, and when he
had swallowed it, he still opened his mouth for more.
' Tavcruiei's Tiavels in Iiulia, Book I, Cliap. 8.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 155
5th December. — " I arrived at Aurung-abad.' Formerly this Aurunffabod.
village had another name; but being" the place where Aurung--
zeb g-ave battle to his brother Sultan Shuja, who was
Governor of all the province of Bengal, Aurungzeb, in
meraory of the victory he had won, gave it his own name,
and built there a very fair house, with a garden, and a little
mosque/''
6th December. — " I saw the river Ganges. Monsieur Ber- River Ganges,
nier, the King^s physician, and another person whose name
was Rachepot, with whom I ti-avelled, were amazed to see
that a river that had made such a noise in the world was
no broader than the river Seine before the Louvre, believing
before that it had been as wide as the Danube above Belgrade.
There is also so little water in it from March to June or July,
when the rains fall, that it will not bear a small boat. When
we came to Ganges, we drank every one of us a glass of
wine, mixing some of the river water with it, which caused
a griping. But our servants that drank it alone were worse
tormented than we. The Hollanders, who have a house
upon the bank of the Ganges, never drink the water of this
river until they have boiled it. But for the natural in-
habitants of the country, they are so accustomed to it from
their youth that the King and the Court drink no other.
You shall see a vast number of camels every day whose busi-
ness only it is to fetch water from the Ganges.^^
7th December. — '' I arrived at Allahabad. It is a great Allahabad.
city, built'upon a point of land where the Ganges and Jumna
meet. There is a fair castle of hewn stone, with a double
moat, where the Governor resides. He is one of the greatest
lords in India ; and being very sickly, he has always about
him ten Persian physicians. He had also in his service
Claudius Malle of Bourges, who practises surgery and physic
both together. This was he that advised us not to drink
of Ganges water, but rather to drink well water. The chief
of these Persian physicians, whom this Governor hires with
^ This village must not be confounded with the city of Aurungabad in the
Dekhan, the head-quarters of the Viceroj- of the Moghul Dekhan.
]56 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
his money, one day threw his wife from the top of a battle-
ment to the ground^ prompted to that act of cruelty by some
jealousies he had entertained. He thought the fall had killed
her, but she had only a rib or two bruised ; whereupon the
kindred of the woman came and demanded justice, at the feet
of the Governor. The Governor sending for the physician,
commanded him to be gone, resolving to retain him no longer
in his service. The physician obeyed, and putting his maimed
wife in a palanquin, he set forward upon the road with all his
family. But he was not gone above three or four days* journey
from the city, when the Governor finding himself worse than
he was wont to be, sent to recall him ; which the physician
perceiving, stabbed his wife, his four children and thirteen
female slaves, and returned again to the Governor, who said
not a word to him, but entertained him again into his service."
Crossing a river. 8th December.—'' I crossed the river in a large boat, having
stayed from morning till noon upon the bank side expecting
Monsieur Maille to bring me a passport from the Governor.
For there stands a daroga upon each side of the river, M'ho
will not suffer any person to pass without leave, and he takes
notice what sort of goods are transported, there being due
from every waggon four rupees, and from every coach one, not
accounting the charge of the boat, which you must pay
beside."
Benares. HfJi Decemher. — " I reached Benares. It is a large city,
and handsomely built, the most part of the houses being
either of brick or stone, and higher than in any other cities
of India ; but the inconveniency is, that the streets are very
narrow. There are many inns in the town ; among the rest
one very large, and very handsomely built. In the middle of
the court are two galleries, where are to be sold calicuts,
silks, and other sorts of merchandise. The greatest part of
the sellers are the workmen themselves, so that the mer-
chants buy at the first hand. These workmen, before they
expose anything to sale, must go to him that has the stamp,
to have the King's seal set upon their linen and silks,
otherwise they would be fined and lambasted with a good
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 157
cudgel. This city is situated upon the north side of Ganges
that runs by the walls, and into which there falls also another
river, some two leagues upward towards the west. In
Benares stands one of the idolators' principal pagodas."
21st Becemher. — " I arrived at Patna. It is one of the Patna.
greatest cities of India, upon the bank of Ganges, toward
the west, not being less than two leagues in length. But
the houses are no fairer than in the greatest part of the other
cities of India, being covered with bamboo or straw. The
Holland Company have a house there, by reason of their trade
in saltpetre, which they refine at a great town called Choupar,
which is also situated upon Ganges, ten leagues above Patna.
" Comino- to Patna, we met the Hollanders in the street
returnino' from Choupar, who stopped our coaches to salute
us. We did not part till we had emptied two bottles of
Shiras wine in the open street, which is not taken notice
of in that country where people meet with an entire freedom
without any ceremony.
" I stayed eight days at Patna."
Mh January 1666. — " I came to Rajmahal. It is a city Rajmahai.
upon the right hand of Ganges ; and if you go by land, you
shall find the highway, for a league or two, paved with brick
to the town. Formerly the Governors of Bengal resided here,
it beino- an excellent country for hunting, besides that it was
a place of great trade. But now the river having taken
another course, above a good half league from the city, as
well for that reason as to keep in awe the King of Arakan,
and several Portuo-uese banditti, who are retired to the mouths
of Gano-es, and made excursions even as far as Dacca itself ;
both the Governor and the merchants have removed them-
selves to Dacca, which is at present a large city and a town
of great trade."
6lk Jamiary. — " Six leagues from Rajmahal, I parted from Parting from
Monsieur Bernier, who was going to Cossimbazar and thence
to Hughli by land."
7th January. — " I saw such a vast number of crocodiles, crocodiles.
that 1 had a great desire to shoot at one, to try whether the
X58 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
vulgar report were true, that a musket shot would uot pierce
their skin. The bullet hit him iu the jaw, aud made the
blood gush out ; however he would not stay in the place, but
plunged into the river."
Sth January. — '^ I saw again a great number lying upon the
bank of the river, and made two shots at two with three
bullets at a time. As soon as they were wounded, they
turned themselves upou their backs, opening their throats, aud
died upon the spot.'''
Dacca. loth Jaimarij. — " I came to Dacca. It is a great town,
that extends itself only in length, every one coveting to
have a house by the Ganges side. The length of this town
is above two leagues. And indeed from the last brick bridge
to Dacca, there is but one continued row of houses separated
one from the other, inhabited for the most part by carpenters,
that build galleys and other small vessels. These houses are
properly no more than paltry huts built up with bamboos,
and daubed over with fat earth. Those o£ Dacca are uot
much better built. The Governor's palace is a place enclosed
with high walls, in the midst whereof is a pitiful house built
only of wood. He generally lodges in tents, which he causes
to be set up in a great court of that enclosure. The
Hollanders finding that their goods were not safe in the
ordinary houses of Dacca, have built them a very fair house;
and the English have another, which is reasonably hand-
some. The church of the Austin Friars is all of brick, and
is a very comely pile.
" When I travelled last to Dacca, the Nawab Shaista Khan,
who was then Governor of Bengal, was at war with the
King of Arakan, whose naval force consists generally of
200 galeasses, attended by several other smaller vessels.
These galeasses run though the Gulf of Bengal, aud enter
into the mouth of Ganges, the sea flowing up higher than
Dacca. Shaista Khan, uncle to Aurungzeb, the present
Moghul, and the best head-piece that ever was in all his
territories, found out a way to corrupt several of the King
of Arakan's captains, so that of a sudden forty galeasses,
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. X59
commanded by Portuguese, came and joined themselves with
him. To engage more firmly all the new multitude to his
service,, he gave a larger pay to all the Portuguese officers, and
to the soldiers proportionably. But those of the country
had no more than their ordinary pay doubled. It is an in-
credible thing to see how swiftly these galeasses cut their
way in the water. Some are so long that they carry fifty
oars of a side, but they have but two men to an oar :
There are some very curiously painted, and upon which there
is no cost of gold and azure spared. The Hollanders have
some of their own to transport their goods ; and sometimes
they are forced to hire others, whereby many people get a
good livelihood."
14th Jamiary. — " Being the next day after my arrival at visits the
Dacca, I went to wait upon the Nawab, and presented him
with a garment of cloth of gold, laced with a gold needlework
lace of point of Spain, with a scarf of gold and silver of the
same point, and a very fair emerald jewel. Towards evening,
being returned to the Hollander's house where I lodged, the
Nawab sent me pomegranates, China oranges, two Persian
melons, and three sorts of pears."
16th January. — " I showed my goods to the Nawab, and
presented him with a watch in a gold enamelled case, with a
pair of little pistols inlaid with silver, and a very fair pros-
pective glass. What I gave to the father and the sou, a
young lord about ten years old, stood me in about five
thousand livres."
16th January. — " I treated with the Nawab about the
prices of my goods : and at length I went to his steward to
take my letter of exchange to be paid at Cossimbazar. Not
but that he would have paid me my money at Dacca ; but the
Hollanders, who understood things better than I did, told
me it was very dangerous to carry money to Cossimbazar,
whither there was no going but over the Ganges by water,
the way by land being full of bogs and fens. And to go by
water is no less dangerous, by reason that the boats which
thoy use are very apt to tip over upon the least storm, and
160
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Hospitalities,
HnghU.
Tovornicr's
(rricvauces.
when the mariners perceive that you carry money along with
you it is an easy thing for them to overset the boat, and
afterwards to come and take up the money that Hes at the
bottom of the river/'
20th January. — " I took leave of the Nawab, who desired
me to come and see him again, and caused a pass to be
delivered me, wherein he gave me the title of one of the
gentlemen of his house, which he had done before, when he
was Governor of Ahmedabad, when I went to him, to the
army, in the province of Decean, into which the Raja Sevaji
was entered. By virtue of these passes I could travel over
all the countries of the Great Moghul, as being one of his
household."
2l8t January. — " The Hollanders made a great feast for
my sake, to which they invited the English and some
Portuguese, together with the Austin Friars of the same
nation. ''
22nd January, — " I made a visit to the English. The
President of the English factory at Dacca was Mr. Prat."
29tk January. — " I left Dacca in the evening. The
Hollanders bore me company for two leagues with their
little barques armed, nor did we spare the Spanish wine all
that time."
20lh February. — " I arrived at Hughli, where I stayed till
the 2nd of March, during which time the Hollanders bid
rae very welcome, and made it their business to shew me all
the divertisements which the country was capable to afford.
We went several times in pleasure-boats upon the river, and
we had a banquet of all the delicacies that the gardens of
Europe could have afforded us ; salads of all sorts, colewarts,
asparagus, pease ; but our chiefest dish was Japan beans, the
Hollanders being very curious to have all sorts of pulse and
herbs in their gardcDS, though they could never get artichokes
to grow in that country."
Taveniicr had a grievance against Nawab Sliaista
Khan. The bill of exchange was stopped, and pay-
ment was refused until he deducted twenty thousand
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 1(31
rupees fi'om the sum total. Tavernier had also
grievances against the Emperor Aurimgzeb, and
some of the grandees at Delhi. The fact is only-
worth mentioning as an instance of the oppressive
conduct of the Nawab, and the diflB.culties in the way
of trading in India in the seventeenth century.
About 1680 Auruns^zeb began to persecute the Pergpcutiou of
^ ^ ^ ^ Hindus, 1680.
Hindus. He was determined to make them
Muhammadans. He carried on persecuting wars,
and turned Hindu temples into Mussulman mosques.
He collected the hateful tax known as the Jezya ;
this was a capitation tax levied from all who
refused to become Muhammadans ; it had been
abolished in India by the celebrated Akbar.
Shaista Khan was ordered to carry out this work Jezya demanded
Irom Europeans.
of persecution in Bengal. He levied the Jezya
upon Hindus, and demanded it from Europeans.
The English and Dutch refused to pay Jezya.
Shaista Khan let them off on the condition that
they brought him a yearly present of Persian horses.
Hitherto the EngKsh settlements in Bensral were The En-ush
oppressed.
superintended by the Governor of Madras. In
1677 Governor Masters wrote to Shaista Khan from
Madras, that if he continued liis oppressions, the
English would certainly withdi'aw from Bengal.
In 1681 the Directors withdrew Bengal from the
supervision of Madras, and appointed the Agent at
Hughli to be Governor of all the factories in
Bengal.
Mr. Job Channock was the most noted of the Mr. job
Chaunock.
English Governors of Hughli. He was cruelly
162
EARLY EECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Ibrahim Khan
Kawab, 1689.
Foundatiou of
Calcutta.
Loss of the
baltpetre trade.
Hindu rebellion
in Beugal, 1696.
treated by Shaista Khan ; on one occasion he was
scourged. At last, as abeady told in the Madras
records, he left Bengal mth all the Company's
servants and effects and went away to Madras.'
Shortly afterwards Shaista Elhan left Bengal.
Ibrahim Khan was appointed Nawab in his room ;
he was the same man who is glorified in the Madras
records as " the famously just and good Nawab
Ibraliim Khan." ^ He invited the English to retm'n
to Bengal. Mr. Channock returned, but not to
HughH. He was resolved to keep away from
Hughli. He built a factory in the village of
Chutanuttee, about twenty miles nearer the sea.
This was the germ which was afterwards to grow
into the City of Palaces.
The religious zeal of Aurungzeb seems to have
reached the ears of the Sultan of Turkey. Both
were Sunnis. The Sultan wrote to Aiu'ungzeb beg-
ging liim to forbid his subjects from selling saltpetre
to Christians, as it was often burnt for the destruc-
tion of good Muhammadans. Aurungzeb issued
the necessary prohibition, and the English lost for
a wliile their saltpetre trade at Patna.
The "famously just and good Nawab Ibraliim"
tui'ned out to be a very weak ruler in Bengal. In
1696 the Hindu Bajas westward of the Hughli
broke into open rebellion. The Eaja of Burdwan
was at the head of the rebels. The Nawab did
nothing to stop the outbreak. He said that a civil
' Sec ante, page 90.
2 Ibid.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 1(53
war was a dreadful evil ; that many people were
always slaughtered ; and that if the rehels were let
alone, they would soon disperse themselves.
The rebellion was not a formidable affair. The Azim-u-shan
so-called army of the Raja of Burdwan was routed
by fifty English soldiers in front of the factory at
Chutanuttee. But Aurungzeb was very angry at
the Hindu rebellion. He recalled the Nawab, and
appointed one of his own grandsons to be Viceroy
of the three united provinces — Bengal, Behar, and
Orissa. The name of the grandson was Azim-u-
shan.
The Hindu rebellion was lucky for the Euro- Fortification of
Calcutta.
peans. The Nawab had told them to defend them-
selves, and they had run up walls and bastions round
their respective factories. This was the origin of
the three European forts or towns, namely, the
English at Calcutta, the French at Chandernagore,
and the Dutch at Chinsura. Both Chandernagore
and Chinsura were in the immediate neighbourhood
of Hughli; accordingly both were about twenty
miles from Calcutta.
Azim-u-shan, the new Viceroy of Bengal, was English hoid
•^ ^ the rank of
like the run of Moghul princes. He was idle, fond ^emiudar.
of pleasure, and ready to grant anything for money.
By a suitable present the English obtained a
grant of the three villages of Chutanuttee, Govind-
pore, and Kalicotta. The importance of tliis grant
is liable to be overlooked. It raised the English
to the condition of a Zemindar, similar to the posi-
tion which they already filled at Madras. They paid
164
EAELY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Objections over-
ruled.
Morshed Kuli
Khan Nawab,
1707.
Zemindars
oppresBed.
a yearly rent of Rs. 1,195 for the three villages ;
this amount had been paid to the King's Dewan by
the Zemindars who liad previously held the villages.
They administered justice amongst the natives of
the three villages after the manner of Zemindars.
In other words, they fined, wliipped, and imprisoned
at will, in the same way that the Justices at Madras
punished offenders in Black Town.
The Moghul Governor at Hughli did not like to
see the English acting as Zemindars. He wanted to
send a Kazi to Calcutta to administer justice in ac-
cordance vrith Muhammadan law. But the English
made another present to the Viceroy, and the Gov-
ernor of Hughli was told to leave the EngKsh
alone.
Aurungzeb died in 1707. Azim-u-shan, the
young Viceroy, went away from Bengal to take a
part in the war for the succession. He left a deputy
behind to serve both as Nawab and as King's
Dewan. The new Nawab is best known by his
title of Murshed Kuli Khan. The city of Mur-
shedabad is named after him to this dav.
The main object of the new Nawab was to
collect revenue and remit a large surplus to Dellii.
He hoped by so doing to gain favour with the
Moghul court. His proceedings are thus described
by Stewart : —
" Murshed Kuli Khan begau to put iu practice a system of
the greatest oppression upon the Zemindars or Hindu land-
holders ; which, although it much augmented the revenue of
the State, rendered his name dreaded and detested throughout
the provinces.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 165
*' In order to make a full investiofation of the value of the Employment of
" , new collectors.
lauds, he placed the principal Zemindars in close confinement, Remeasuremenfc
' ^ . . 1 "^ lands.
and g-ave the collection into the hands of expert Aumils, or col-
lectors, who received the assessments from the farmers and paid
the amount into the public treasury. He also ordered the
whole of the lands to be re-measured ; and having ascer-
tained the quantity of fallow and waste ground belonging
to every village, he caused a considerable proportion of it to
be brought into cultivation ; for which purpose the collectors
were authorised to make advances of money to the lower order
of husbandmen, to purchase stock, and to reimburse them-
selves by a certain portion of the produce,
" When he had thus entirely dispossessed the Zemindars of sub&istence
all interference in the collection, he assigned to them an allow- zemindars.
anee, either in land or money, for the subsistence of their
families, called nankar j to which was added the privilege of
hunting, of cutting wood in the forests, and of fishing in the
lakes and rivers : these immunities are called hunlcar and
jidhar}
'' The only persons who were exempted from these despotic zemindars of
1 • 1 r/ • 1 p n.t • 1 1 1 rr- 1 Bhivbhum and
regulations were the Zemindars of Bhirbhum and Kishna- Kishna-hur,
° - . , , exempted.
ghur. The first was a popular and virtuous character, named
Assud Allah, an Afghan chief, who, with his followers, under-
took to defend this territory against the wild Hindu moun-
taineers of Jeharcund. This person dedicated half his income
to charitable purposes, either in supporting the religious and
learned, or in relieving the distresses of the poor and needy :
•he was besides attentive to all the duties of his religion, and •
deviated not from the ordinances of the law. To have attack-
ed such a character would have exposed the Nawab to great
opprobrium, and would have incited against him the popular
clamour, and possibly would have injured him in the esteem
of every devout Mussulman.
" The other Zemindar owed his security to the nature of his
country, which was full of woods, and adjoining to the
1 The literal meaaing of these three words is, the business of bread, wood,
and water.
ICjQ EARLY EF.CORDS OF BRITISFI INDIA.
mountains of Jeharcund, whither, upon any invasion of the
district, he retired to places inaccessible to his pursuers, and
annoyed them severely in their retreat : the country was
besides unproductive ; and the expenses of collection, and of
maintaining it, would have exceeded the amount of the revenue.
" These two Zemindars, therefore, having refused the sum-
mons to attend at the court of Murshedabad, were permitted
to remain on their own estates, on condition of regularly
remitting their assessment through an agent stationed, at
Murshedabad.
sabmission of " The Kajas of Tipperah, Cooch Behar, and Assam, whose
lieharX^^i ^'^ countrics, although tliej' had been overrun by the Muham-
madan arms, had never been perfectly subdued, and who
therefore continued to spread the umbrella of independence
and to stamp the coin in their own names, were so impressed
with the idea of the power and abilities of Murshed Kuli
Khan, that they forwarded to him valuable presents, con-
sisting of elephants, wrought and unwrought ivory, musk,
amber and various other articles, in token of their submis-
sion : in return for which, the Nawab sent them dresses of
honour, known as khiiluts, by the receipt and putting on of
which they acknowledged his superiority. This interchange
of presents and compliments became an annual custom during
the whole time of his government, without either party
attempting to recede from, or advance beyond, the implied
line of conduct.
AdininjBtration " Murshcd Kuli Khan devoted two days in the week to the
" ^"^ ' ■ administration of justice, presiding in person in court : and
so impartial was he in his decisions, and so rigid in the
execution of the sentence of the law, that he put his own
son to death for an infraction of its regulations ; and his
decisions thereby became celebrated throughout Hindustan.
This, however, must be considered as respecting Muham-
madans ; for in the collection of the revenues he allowed his
officers to be guilty of great cruelty and oppression ; and
wherever any person opposed his will, he marked him as the
victim of his revenjje.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL, 167
^' Murshed Kuli Khan continued to make the collections Despotic powers.
through his Aumils by displacing the Zemindars, with
a few exceptions, where he found the Latter w^orthy of trust
and confidence. He admitted no charges for troops, but
those paid and mustered by himself. Two thousand cavalry
and four thousand infantry, under the command of Nazir
Ahmad, who had been originally a private soldier, were found
sufficient to enforce the payment of all the revenues of
Bengal : for so severe were his regulations, and such the
dread of his power and resolution, that his commands were
implicitly obeyed ; and it was sufficient for him to send a
single messenger to sequester a Zemiudari, or to seize on a
culprit at the greatest distance.
"Such were the respect and dignity kept up by the Ra^jas refused
Nawab at his court, that, in his presence, no person was
allowed to salute or speak to another ; nor were any of his
officers or Rajas allowed to sit before him.
" He prohibited the Zemindars, and other Hindus of zemindars pro-
opulence, from riding in palanquins ; obliging them to make quins.
use of an inferior kind of conveyance, called a dooly, or
chowpaleh. Whoever deviated, in the smallest d^ree, from
his general regulations was certain to experience the effects
of his resentment.
" In the affairs of government he showed favour to no one ; Reasons for
and always rewarded merit wherever he found it. He em- Ben^auis"
ployed none but Bengalli Hindus in the collection of the
revenues, because they were most easily compelled by
threats or punishment to disclose their malpractices and
their confederates ; and their pusillanimity secured him from
any insurrection or combination against the State. In the
few instances in which he found that they had defrauded
him, or had made away with the revenue and were unable to
make good the deficiency, he compelled the offender, with his
wife and children, to become Muhammadans.
" Raia Oudy Narain, whose family had long enjoyed the storr of Ra.a
o J ./ Oudy Narain.
Zemindari of the district of Rajeshahi, was so distinguished
by his abilities and application, that the Nawab entrusted
168
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Z^mindari of
Kajustiahi.
Daily audit of
accounts.
Torture of
Zemindars.
Cruelties of the
Deputy Dewan,
him with the superintendence of the greater portion of the
eollectioDs, and placed under his orders Gholam Muhammad
Jemadar, with two hundred horse, who in a short time
became a great favourite of his principal; but in consequence
of his pay having been kept back for many months, the
Jemadar^s people mutinied, and the Nawab, without in-
quiring minutely into the matter, ordered a chosen detach-
ment to quell the disturbance. A conflict ensued in the
vicinity of the Rajahs house, in which the Jemadar was
killed and many of his people put to death. This circum-
stance so hurt and terrified Oudy Narain, that he put an end
to his own existence.
" The Zemindari of Rajeshahi was in consequence taken
away from the family, and conferred on Ramjewun and
Kanoo Kenoor, two Zemindars who resided on the eastern
side of the rivei-, in consideration of their having been more
punctual in the payment of their rents than the other
Zemindars of Bengal.
"The Nawab, however, never placed confidence in any
man ; he himself examined the accounts of the exchequer every
day ; and, if he discovered any of the Zemindars or others
remiss in their payment, he placed either the principal or his
agent in arrest, with a guard over him, to prevent his either
eating or drinking till the business was settled ; and in order
to prevent the guards from being bribed or negligent in
their duty, he placed spies over them, who informed him
of the smallest deviation from his orders.
" A principal instrument of- the Nawab^s severity was
Nazir Ahmad, to whom, when a district was in arrear, he
used to deliver over the captive Zemindar to be tormented by
every species of cruelty, as hanging up by the feet, bastinado-
in"*, setting them in the sun in summer; and by stripping^
them naked, and sprinkling them frequently with cold water
in winter.
" But all these acts of severity were but trifles compared
with the wanton and cruel conduct of Sayyid Reza Khan, who
was married to Nuftisah Begum, the grand-daughter of the
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 169
Nawab, and who had been appointed Deputy Dewan of the
province. In order to enforce the payment of the revenues,
he ordered a pond to be dug, which was filled with eveiy-
thing disgusting, and the stench of which was so offensive
as nearly to suffocate whoever approached it : to this shocking
place, in contempt of the Hindus, he gave the name of
Bikoont, which, in their language, means Paradise; and
after the Zemindars had undergone the usual punishments,
if their rent was not forthcoming, he caused them to be
drawn, by a rope tied under the arms, through this infernal
pond. He is also stated to have compelled them to put on
loose trowsers, into which were introduced live cats. By
such cruel and horrid methods he extorted from the unhappy
Zemindars everything they possessed, and made them weary
of their lives."
The proceedings of Murslied Kuli Khan as regards
the English are also descrihed. by Stewart. The
folloTving extracts are interesting : —
" Murshed Kuli Khan was sensible that Bengal owed Demandgof
much of its wealth to its external commerce : he therefore KUan upon the
gave every encouragement to foreign merchants, especially to
the Moghuls and Arabians, from whom he only exacted the
prescribed duties of 2 per cent., and did not permit the
custom house officers to take more than their regulated fees ;
but he was too keen a politician not to observe with jealousy
the fortified factories of the Europeans, and the great advan-
tages which the English had over the merchants, in con-
sequence of the firman and nishans, which they had obtained
(he said) by means of bribery and corruption, and which
permitted them to trade, either duty free, or for the paltry
consideration of 3,000 rupees per annum. ^
" When, therefore, Murshed Kuli Khan felt himself per- The Governor
fectly secure in his government, he set at nought the privileges of 'the
orders of the prince Shuja, and of the emperor Aurungzeb ; itiI.'^ '
and demanded from the English, either the same duties
1 See ante, page 154:
170 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
that were paid by Hindu subjects, or a constant renewal
of presents, both to himself and to all inferior depart-
ments. Such conduct, of course, irritated the English
agents, who wrote a detail of their grievances to the Directors
of the Company in England, and solicited permission to send
an embassy to Dehli, to complain to the emperor Farrukh Siyar
of the Nawab's conduct. Their suggestion was approved of
by the Company ; and orders were sent to the governors of
Madras and Bombay to unite their grievances in the same
petition with those of Bengal.
English embassy " The nomination of the ambassadors was left to Mr.
to Delhi, 1715.
Hedges, the governor of Calcutta, who selected, for this
purpose, Mr. John Surman and Edward Stephenson, two of
the ablest factors in the Bengal service, joining to them an
Armenian named Khoja Serhaud, who understood both the
English and Persian languages, and who had been for many
years the principal merchant in Calcutta. Mr. William
Hamilton also accompanied the embassy as surgeon.
Delhi nnisnown (' At that pcriod the govcmment of Calcutta were very
to the English .... .
at Calcutta. ignorant of the politics and intrigues of the court of Dehli ;
and the ambassadors had no other lights to direct their pro-
ceedings, than such as they obtained from the Armenian, who,
althongh he had never been at Dehli, had procured a certain
degree of information from some of his countrymen, whose
extensive commercial concerns led them over every part of
India ; and who was very solicitous to be admitted into this
honourable commission in hopes of acquiring a large pi'ofit
by the goods he should carry, free of charges and duties, in
the train of the embassy. The presents designed for the
emperor and his officei's consisted of curious glass-ware,
clock-work, brocades and the finest manufactures of woollen-
cloths and silks, valued, altogether, at 30,000/., which Khoja
Serhaud, in his letters to Dehli, magnified to 100,000/., and
gave such a description of the varieties which were coming,
that Farrukh Siyar ordered the embassy to be escorted by the
governors of the provinces through whose territories it might
pass. The train proceeded on the Gauges from Calcutta to
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. I7I
Patna, and thence by land to Dehli^ where they arrived on
the 8th of July, 1715, after a march of three months/'
Copies of all the letters received by the Governor Records of the
J- '' embassy prescrv=
of Calcutta from the envoys at Delhi have been '' "' ^"'^'^•
preserved at Madras. Before selecting extracts, it
may be as well to offer a few explanations.
Parrnkh Siyar was reigning as Padishah, or em- Fan-nkh siyar,
_^ made emperor by
peror at Dellii. He was fretting under the domination ^^^ ^^<^ i^i^m^.
of two brothers, his Vizier and Chief Amir, who had
placed bim on the throne. Their names were
Abdulla and Husain, but they are best known as
the two Sayyids.
A powerful grandee, named Khan Dauran, was Khan Dauran
Ir O ' » hostile to the
hostile to the two brothers, and was consequently ^'''^ ^^yyi^^-
intriguing against them.
The first extmct from the letters describes the ExtKw>ts from
the Madras
reception of the envoys at Delhi, and their being '■''''"'"^'•
presented with certain nondescript vestments and
ornaments, called seerpaws, culgees, and congers.
It will be seen from what follows that they courted
both the Vizier Abdulla and Khan Dauran : —
" Delhi, 8th July 1715. — "We passed the country of the Reception of the
•^ '■ '' Eughsh embassy
Jauts with success, not meeting with much trouble, except at ^eihi.
that once in the night rogues came on our camp, but, being
repulsed three times, they left us. We arrived at Furrukabad
the 3rd instant (July), where we were met by Padre Stephanus,
bringing two seerpaws, which were received with the usual
ceremony by John Surman and Khoja Serhaud. The 4th,
we arrived at Baorapoola, three coss from the city, sending
the Padre before to prepare our reception, that, if possible,
we might visit the King the first day, even before we went to
the house which was got for us. Accordingly the 7th, in the
morning, we made our entry with very good order ; there
172 Early records of British india.
being sent a Munsubdar of two thousand^ with about 200
horse and peons, to meet us ; bringing- likewise two elephants
and flags. About the middle of the city, we were met by the
Sallabut Khan Bahadur, and were by him conducted to the
palace, where we waited till about twelve o^clock till the King
came out. Before which time we met with Khan Dauran
Bahadur, who received us very civilly, assuring us of his pro-
tection and good services. We prepared for our first present,
viz., 1,001 gold mohurs, the table clock set with precious
stones, the unicorn's horn, the gold escritoire, the large piece
of ambergreese, the astoa and chelumgie Manilla work, and
the map of the world. These, with the Honorable the
Governor's letter, were presented, every one holding some-
thing in his hand as usual. John Surman received a vest
and culgee set with precious stones ; and Serhaud a vest and
cunger set with precious stones likewise, amid the great
pomp and state of the Kings of Hindoostan. We were very
well received ; and on our arrival at our house, we were enter-
tained by Sallabut Khan (Khan Douran's deputy) with dinner
sufficient both for us and our people. In the evening he visited
us again and stayed about two hours. The great favour Khan
Dauran is in with the King gives us hopes of success in this
undertaking. He assures us of his protection, and says the
King has promised us very great favoui's. We have received
orders first to visit Khan Dauran as our patron; after which
we shall be ordered to visit the Grand Vizier and other
grandees. We would have avoided this, if we could, fearing
to disoblige the Vizier; bat finding it not feasable, rather
than disoblige one who has been so serviceable, and by whose
means we expect to obtain our desires, we comply with it.'"
EmbasRv advised FroDi tlie iiGxt Gxtract it will be seen that the
by Zoudi Khan.
envoys were acting under the advice of a certain
Zoudi Khan. This was the very grandee who
wrote to Governor Pitt at Madras' : —
" Delhi, 17 Ih July : — We have lately sent to Your Honor the
good news of our safe arrival here, the visit of the King, and
' See ante, page 116.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 173
the civil treatment we met with, all which will, without doubt,
be very welcome news. We have since visited several grandees
as the Vizier (AbduUa Khan) and Khan Dauran ; where we
were received with all the respect that could be expected, and
gives me some hopes that all will end well ; but what cjives me
the most encouragement (for I am well acquainted with these
nobles : as long as they are expecting to get anything they are al-
ways complaisant), is that the method we are at present taking
is consistent and with the advice and counsel of Zoudi Khau.
We visited that gentleman the 11th current, and met with
the same treatment he has always given to Englishmen, with
the highest acknowledgments of the favours he has received
from them, that as yet he had never been able to retaliate
any of them, but hoped he had now an opportunity of doing
something. He pressingly advised us to do nothing without
the advice, counsel, and order of Khan Dauran (and the
main instrument of our affairs) Sallabut Khan ; that the turn
of affairs at the Durbar obliged us to it. This, which he
told us by word of mouth, he wrote me when I sent Your
Honoris letter to him. We are convinced he advises like a
friend, and were intent on the method, but at the same time,
very cautious how we any ways disoblige the Vizier ; we
beino" very sure that Zoudi Khan was very intimate there,
sent and advised him when we intended to visit, that he
would use his interest for our better reception, intending to
manage the Durbar by his means. He assured us that we
might be satisfied as to the important Durbar. The good
prospect we have of our affairs makes Khoja Serhaud very
good-humoured, and at present tractable, in hopes he shall
obtain his promised reward and considered that everything
is come to its crisis. I take particular care that he remains
so, and as much as possible persuade every one with me to
do the like ; which I fear gains me but little good will. But
as passion must now be curbed, except we expect to be
laughed at, we must be very circumspect in our actions and
counsels.^^
174 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Breach between The iiext exti'act shows Something of the pro-
the Emperor and
the two sayyids. gress of the brcach between the King, or Emperor,
and the two Sayyid brothers : —
" Delhi, 4th August. — Three days after our arrival here
the King left the city, under pretence of visiting a sacred
place, about six coss from thence. But the true reason
(we are of opinion) was to clear himself of a kind of
confinement, which he thought he suffered whilst in the
Fort. Afterwards on the petition of his grandees to
return to the city, the time of the rains being improper
for travelling, he showed himself resolved to proceed either
to Lahore or Ajmeer. Neither could all the arguments
used avert his intended journey. This startled us, and con-
sidering with how great trouble and risk we had brought the
present thus far, and how to carry it on at this time of the
year, we were something at a stand. At last we concluded
to give the gross of our present in, notwithstanding the King
was abroad. But in delivering some of the fine clocks, they
were ordered to be returned and kept in good order till he
came back to the city, he having now determined only to
visit a sacred place about forty coss from Delhi ; after which
he would return. This stopped our presenting the remainder
of our goods, but we concluded that it was necessary to at-
tend his Majesty in this tour. We now continue in the
camp, leaving Mr. Stephenson and Mr. Phillips to take care
of what goods remain in the city ; and in ease that the King
should proceed further, that they may concert measures to
bring the goods after us. We are in this interval preparing
petitions to be delivered to his Majesty, hoping we shall do
something for our Honourable Masters that has not been yet
obtained. The patronage and management of this negotia-
tion is in the hands of the greatest favourite at Court,
Khan Dauran, and under him Sayyid Sallabut Khan. Withall,
we being no ways unmindful of an old friend Zoudi Khan,
without whose advice, we enter upon nothing. But he being
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 175
at present in so low a station is not able to obtain the King's
ear. However we are satisfied that in whatever lies in liis
power, he does and will assist us, but particularly in the
Vizier's Durbar,
" Husain Ali Khan is lately ffo.ne into the Dekhan Husain sent to
,. . ipiij^ii i^^'^^ Viceroy of
country, having the entire command or ail that part oi the Dekhan.
his kingdom. Your Honors have undoubtedly heard
how great he has made himself even to vie with
the command of his imperial Majesty, as lately appeared in
the disputes between himself and Amir Jumla' whilst at
Court, when he obliged his antagonist, contrary to the King's
desires, to remove from Court to Patna, whereby, through the
interest of Husain, and his own mismanagement, he is quite
ruined. "Wherefore we humbly recommend a very good cor-
respondence with Husain. Otherwise, whatever we shall be
able to do here will be of very little service before him."
New intrisrues came to lifflit. Daiid Khan, tlie mud Khan
'-^ ordered to cut
same man who besieged Madras in Governor Pitt's »»■ husain.
time, liad been appointed Nawab of Guzerat. He
received secret orders from the Emperor to cut off
Husain. It will be seen fi'om the following extracts
that the English envoys at Delhi had some inkling of
what was going on : —
" Delhi, 31st August. — ^We have advices here that Husain Expected
Ali Khan and Daiid Khan^ are come to a rupture in Bur-
hanpur, so that it is likely a battle will ensue, the latter
having engaged many of the Dekhan country to his party.
It is whispered at this Court that this is a design laid
to involve Husain Ali Khan in trouble, and retrench his
grandeur, which of late has not been very pleasing.
1 This Amir Jumla was one of the Emperor's favourites. He is distinct
from the Amir Jumla who was Viceroy of Bengal under Aurungzeb.
2 The name of Daiid is spelt in various ways in the old records, — Dawood,
Daoud, Daood, &c. For the sake of uniformity it has been spelt throughout
the present volume in the modern mode. It seems to be equivaknt to the
David of the Jcsvs,
HTSi
EAM.^ BSCQS35& QW mSHS^K ffiSOPlL^
Ftetarn of tlM
Pturrukii :;}lyikn
Death ol Utoil
"The Bangs. pcQueeUxng^ no fiu^thec than. Fhiniiwii," r«tniriiti«fi
tjQ tditj oity on. tliu 1:5 tdi, bui:, Ikihia: a. libtle disovtihntnl ia. liii*
baaJtdi, bti& nofc muila an\t paljliu appeaitanue. So tiliati we^
bavQ nah bail aa oppoctmnity 1ja> (BrilwQc tia Denrainitij^ pacd off
our prestiub, or oummtiuuu que afigotiuj£dutt>,wbii:ii.siiaiL btf (fime
bw tlie> 1st proximo. :"
'*\Dtfftiy.6t/i Qetubur. — We tBjsijraed: tw bawe pc«8ettit38»£ our
petition- on tjba first ^jou ' s 5"£ajti*t:v*s in--
dispositaoni (ionriimimi:\ ai' ly: luniun&tkym
t»' uuM> bimi,, ii: ba& buen tbaugcbb adJ^iBafelk- by omr fiii«m&>. as^
well a& by oiir^tilvus, (jQ ui jriniiif Uj till suiib, tiimti a&ift
sball pluatje God: tibut I: , -.-jr ia soma mtiaemw Gtiduijos:
tsjN bifr foraier staiw o£ baallbbk Wbicb; ail'vdiie>. wa lutaamil (joi
fiollow, Gouftiduriny: tiiaiti, wbil»ti ba is ttt so^ muab. pajn^ iii aaa
be bail a.v«ry iud)lfucea.t oppoi'^tiunity <w be^ Cu.\nQur» ofi Warn.
The first djHtamper- thfr D^oetwE ijoolt bimi iu: bamfi fee;, waa
swulling^ in bis jjcixjin, whiub, tbaxilis- be tjo Gnodi.btt is. iiji ai %at
way otiourinfj:; bat witbin. these &vw liays lijst past lie baa
been; isakan. witk a ^iblant pain, wbiub is liker!vr tw uuma tw ai
fistula.;: it binders EKs IMliijasty tiwm oomiii^ out,, so natunairfp
puts a, stop to all muanai! of business, wbecet'ure we mjist bUiWq^
patienue pectocye..
" Your Honors will bave beacdi qS. tiHe (Jaatlia (rf JPl^illiil
Kban in the DekJian, slain in. a* battle witb. ECa«uh; JJK.
(Tbis was a dus^jei-ata oonfiiut, in wbJLub. a; matubloeit baill
struck Dilud Kban at the moment wban: ^ciatorv bad! dkeiittwtfi
on; bis side.) Tbisbas yrivuu a ^neat deur o£ un. 'f*
(woui^t, it btiiiif^ (.{ui te otberwise bud. by tlie King- : ,,-^
idas^;: and. tbat wbiub: was desiyjued! fijc IButHum il^i's. num;.
has proved a gri-yat addition, to bis t'oEmer i^loriHS, Tbe Kini^
at first seemed to reseut it to bis bwtber ^y^duJIa, wbu nut,
taking ih sO' patiently^ as be ejB^eutadi, be bus aftmnedl ftia:
resoiutiou to seudiny: BLusaiu > i i a seerpaw andl otbaB-
mucka^ o£ favour. We buv'.' iu^ our Uir,t3ans. toi ubtt
L> Xha aliiiue of; »> SulittiuiUMUati sniuk oSi grcMti imguti^. aniii r'nniuu». Uij
hisrtory :»»^ tiiu scuua of txwu ut' tiio sjrtiacusc; li»ttiusMiv»u-. t'uuiLjiife iU, Iljtliu.: »»e,.
-&<e Insniknii of iiiai g-^'WBir Airnr ; mitegtutg wiausvs -ms
Khal ue auctr tz or itei^ iofr iac eoBK ^idll Be af litifr-:
PTi't^agg nnr^rgr Via.ll. ng ikviiur.'
irTTif ana zhs: usn^nj^sr of 4e ^&i^ uf
roHi- 1 " ^ I ' Ay £. eisar rK»nim>~i?;i.iiTr "
Tx 1.^ T.;^^^ ^z t;^^z, _£ 2Std nhiinc. anc a^sixii-
fn^TT- isssi'ssc. xuB Bamrna " c "tiit "wnoft Oamz. .^ a
iBfraic inr 3Ir Hamiiiai. t Ejht^bb
iiisse^ at iiit liihr xc £i^rt j-^^ ^ ' — * "ssel. «
■rniBTrr Tinmsat. anj^ LJ.HH nmes . t— ^rTUir SC lifce *3TTiy
liiisTitHt: xor n?^ £00;: smfl iiBEaBDBL. asc Trrgprteg &£: 'wuc.
'- 'Wt iiavs- £5£siQsc. :^& aE a iiiaiiniiar jxaimmas.. anc
inne? it idL iinwt inimuHK "Bc ixtt i*^" *"'""■»• ai our afuiiT^. di jt '
liBTTiy" -ftw^ oauT iiuig:iiia: assaansc. ae liiii*wTii irriTn: n^pvar-
"irg our gy'ngra' Twiiiitii.- St. iBEBBOBIIt "ac- "ilHr iirCfcSJS "WE
3ssaivac. iTjam ^^«bt Thittthti ijae jtin^^ ipi nwi! j> -was sd&-
ju«r i fiE— -n TTH^ gfywrn , _^ iiMrTaage t^nnntn
!£> iwsr^ ; ami 'liusn deiivzEsc. ose^ psunnii "SC' ^har l^aimgn.
jTT lis Tnanrtf n. ae immmiBec ~ " Salauxt
"tTTiaT. ttill nss aL l^oilf tnamfa^ . -jsr ILism
XftunaL. Ttfrny ai nuc ""wcimti- auc same ttttvp nHunr-.. tnaffti
-piriiRTWy^ -r ; mg "withirnr
TatriTt" -. - ^iffisp "iTMP
ft^iTvo'-r 1~ . ._ ~ - l^Jim
178 EARLY BECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Dauran, to remind him of introducing it to His Majesty; l)ufc
has always been informed^ no business can go forward till the
solemnization of the King's wedding is over, when he has
pi'omised a speedy dispatch. All offices have been shut up
for some days, and all business in the kingdom must naturally
subside to this approaching ceremony, so that we cannot re-
pine at the delay.
" The Rajputs are likely to receive gi-eat honor by this
wedding; the King haviug consented to all their desires in
respect to the ceremonials ; and this evening goes on his
throne attended by his whole nobility on foot, to receive his
spouse. All the Fort and street through which he passes
will be made resplendent with innumerable lights ; aud in
fine all will appear as glorious as the riches of Hindoostan
and two months indefatigable labour can provide."
Slow progress, TliG followlng Gxtracts sliow the disturbed state
of public affairs : —
" Belhl^ 8th January 1716. — As to the course of our nego-
tiations, we can give but a very slender account of their
progress ; for, although our affairs are fallen into the patron-
age of one of the most able men in this Court to dispatch
them, i£ he pleases, yet his dilatory methods of proceeding
are such as must make us pursue our designs with patience
for the present. Our petition is returned, after having passed
the examination of the books ; the next that follows will be
the King's signing; after which we shall take care to give
Your Honors a particular account of it.
" We have lately been surprized with the King's designs
of departing from this place, but, God be thanked, he is dela3'ed
for some days at least. We shall make the best use we can
of the delay, if possible, to effect our business before his
departure, but which we cannot rely on.
" Two nights ago Amir Jumla arrived in this place from
Behar, attended by about eight or ten horsemen, much to the
surprise of this city ; for it is but at best supposed that he
has made an elopement from his own camp for fear of his
soldiers who mutinied for pay. The particulars of all which
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 179
we are not yet acquainted with, nor what reception he is
like to meet with from his Majesty. ''
" Delhi, 10th March. — Your Honors will doubtless have Mutiny of the
heard by fiyiug reports the troubles that have possessed this beihi.
place for the past month, occasioned by the coming of Amir
Jumla and all his forces, as it is said without the King^s
order. All the Tartars mutinously joined to demand their
pay, which they gave out they would force either from the
Vizier or Khan Dauran. This was certainly the grounds of
gathering forces on all sides, the Vizier himself having not
less than 20,000 horse, all which continually filled the streets
and attended him when he went to the King. Khan Dauran
and the rest of the Amirs, or grandees, with their forces and
all the King's household troops, kept guard round the P'ort for
about twenty days. The Vizier was obstinately bent not to pay
the Tartars anything, without very particular examination and
accounts to be made up for the plundering the town of Patna ;
which conditions the Tartars did not think to comply with
till such time as they found the Vizier was not to be bullied ;
when they seemed to be willing to come to a composition,
which was effected by breaking their party, and the King's
orders for Amir Jumla's procedure for Lahore. The King
ordered Chin Kulich Khan^ to go and see Amir Jumla out
of the city ; divesting him of all his posts at Court, as also
of his titles, Jaghir, etc., with his glorious additional titles,
which are ordered for the future never to be used. It
is the general observation of this city that this has only been
a scheme laid, if possible, to entrap the Vizier, and take away
his life ; but he has been so continually on his guard that
nothing could be effected. So once more all is calmed, much
to his (the Vizier's) honour, and the entire disgrace of all
Tartars in general ; they being almost all turned out of ser-
vice, a few great ones excepted. Amir Jumla is now twenty
coss off this place on his way to Lahore, at present without any
command post. But it is reported he will enjoy the former
I This was the man who afterwards became famous as Subahdar, or
Viceroy, of the Dekhan, uuder the name of " Nizam-ul-Mulkh,"
180
EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Arrest and
niiissacre of
the Sikhs at
Delhi.
Strani?e
procra«tination
and forget fiil-
np88 oC Khan
Dauraii.
by the King's favour. These troubles oceasioued the shut-
ting up all the cutcherries for this month^ so that no busi-
ness could possibly go on ; in which ours met the same fate
with the rest, being just in the same state as a month ago.
Khan Dauran very frequently promises that he will make an
end with all possible expedient ; but he is such a strange
dilatory man, and withal inaccessible, that we have occasion
to summon the utmost of our patience. There is no help for
it, for, with all this dilatoriness, he is the only reigning man
in the King's Durbar, so that we hope he will at last con-
sider, and for his own honour, see us handsomely despatched
with all full grant to all our petitions.
" The great rebel Guru (Bandu, the Sikh) who has been for
these twenty years so troublesome in the province of Lahore,
is at length taken with all his family and attendance by the
Subahdar, or Viceroy, of that province. Some days ago they
entered the city laden with fetters, his whole attendants which
were left alive being about 780, all severally mounted on
camels, which were sent out of the city for that purpose, besides
about 2,000 heads stuck upon poles, being those who died by
the sword in battle. He was carried into the presence of the
King, and from thence to a close prison. He at present has
his life prolonged with most of his officers, in hopes to get an
account of his treasure in several parts of his kingdom, and
of those that assisted him, when afterwards he will be exe-
cuted for the rest. There are one hundred each day beheaded.
It is not a little remarkable with what patience they under-
go their fate, and to the last it has not been found that one
has apostatised from the new formed religion.' '
" Delhi, 21st March. — We have frequently complained to
Your Honors of the strange dilatoriness of our patron Khan
Dauran. He is never known to sit out in public, and return
answers to any manner of business ; so that what can be said
to him in the way from his apartment to his palankeen, is
1 This religion was a sort of compound of Hinduism and Mulianiinadan-
ism, in which the leading doctrines of both were reconciled by a strange kind
of couiproniisc.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 181
all that can be got ; whicli is so very little for a man of
a great business, that many days pass before an opportu-
nity can be had even for the least answer ; and that his own
servantj Sayyid Sallabut Khan, who has the management o£
our affairs under him, and is as intimate as any one with
him, can do as little that way as other people. Wherefore the
main part of all our business has been managed by notes.
This has been a great occasion of the dilatoriness of our affairs ;
all which we were obliged to bear witli abundance of pa-
tience; still having very fair promises that our business should
be done to our satisfaction. Nay, Khan Dauran himself very
often, both by word of mouth, and in several notes, promised
to do it. A few days ago when Serhaud went to pay his
respects as usual to Khan Dauran, and put him in mind of
our petition, he was very surprisingly asked what petition ?
* Have not I done all your business ? ' To which Khoja
Serhaud answered ; but the time and place not allowing of a
further explanation, he got into his palankeen and went
away. This strange forgetfulness made us, in very pathetic
terms, enquire of Sallabut Khan what we might expect after
so many promises of having our business effected to our satis-
faction. When we had so long and patiently waited, and been
at so great an expence, to be thus answered was very surpriz-
ing, and what we did not nor could not expect in the least.
We were answered that daily experience might convince us
of the strange carriages and forgetfulness of that great man.
Still bidding us not to despond, but that everything would
go very well after so many fair promises as we before had
received. This gave us but small satisfaction and the rather
made us the more inquisitive, which gave us this further
light, viz., that Khan Dauran had been advised by his own
officers that it was not his business to j)ersuade the Kino*
to sign our petition, but that it was better to get the Vizier
to advise the King what things were proper to be granted us.
We were in hope that in case we would have got those peti-
tions granted us by the means of Khan Dauran, that after-
wards the Vizier would not gainsay it, as at least by a little
bribery it might have passed. There have been several
182 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
endeavours made to get an opportunity to speak with Khan
Dauran^ so as to convince him; but none has been procurable.
We fear the petition in this interim may be gone in, and will
come out signed by the Vizier as before mentioned.
More delays. <' Yesterday the King, contrary to the ad^^ce of the Vizier,
and purely on his own will, went out a hunting and all thB
grandees to their tents. The place at present mentioned is
about eighteen coss off; but God knows what may be the de-
signs of it, or where he will march to. This obliges us to follow
him to-morrow or next day, leaving Mr. Edward Stephenson
and Phillips behind to take care of the Honourable Company's
effects here. Should the petition come out signed as above
mentioned, we shall be obliged to make a new address to the
Vizier; which will not only protract this negotiation, but
must lay us open to a denial, and at the best very expensive.
We shall advise Your Honors as soon as we have any hopes
of success, which God send, or what we shall be obliged to
recede from.'"*
Fighting at the <^ Delhi, 20ih April. — Whilst the King was encamped four-
Moghul Court. . , ^
teen coss from Delhi in order to hunt, there happened a quarrel
between the people of Khan Dauran and Mahmud Amil
Khan, as they came from the Durbar ; which, after their
masters got into their tents, ended in a downright fight,
wherein they fired with small arms, bombs and great guns for
about two hours, notwithstanding the King's repeated com-
mand to forbear, yet was it at last made up after about a
hundred men were killed and wounded. The King was highly
displeased with the liberty they took, and resented it to both
of them. But at present all is made up, and His Majesty
again reconciled to them."
Alarm of the The storj of tliG further delays that ensued may be
Uoghnl.
passed over in silence. Suddenly the news reached
Dellii, that the English at Sui'at had remored to
Bombay, in order to escape from the oppression of
the Nawab of Surat. The Court at Delhi was
alarmed lest the English should again make war on
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 183
the Moghul ships. Every demand was granted. A
firman was made out and signed. The following
extract describes the farewell audience : —
" Delhi, 7th June 1717. — The 23rd ultimo^ John Surman Farewell audi-
received from his Majesty a horse and cunger, as was pre-
appointed; and the 30th ultimo we were sent for by Khan
Dauran to receive our dispatches, which we had according-!}' ;
a serpaw and culgee being given to John Surman, and
serpaws to Serhaud and Edward Stephenson, as Ukewise to
the rest of our companions. We were ordered to pass, one
by one, to our obeisance ; then to move from the Dewan.
We did so. But when it came to Mr. Hamilton's turn, he
was told the King had granted him a vest as a mark of his
favour, but not for his dispatch. So he was ordered up to
his standing again. Whilst he was performing this, the King
got up. We were highly surprised at this unexpected mo-
tion, not having the least notice of it till that minute, either
from our patron or any of authority; it being near a twelve-
month since Mr, Hamilton had been in private with His
Majesty, and in all this time not the least notice taken. We
were very much concerned at his detainment, and the more
because we were assured of his firm aversion to accepting
the service, even with all its charms of vast pay, honour, &c. j
that if the King did detain him by force, if he outlived the
trouble of his esteeming imprisonment, he might be endea-
vouring at an escape, which every way had its ill consequences.
" To free our Honorable Masters from any damages that Troubles of the
might accrue to them from the passionate temper of the Kino-, "^ ^
our patron Khan Dauran was applied to for leave, twice or
thrice; but he positively denied to speak or even have a
hand in this business, till our friend Sayyid Sallabut Khan
had an opportunity to lay the case open to him^ when he
ordered us to speak to the Vizier, and, if by any means
we could gain him to intercede, that he would back it.
" We made a visit to the Vizier the 6th instant, and
laid the case open to him in a petition from Mr. Hamilton,
184 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
of how little service he could be without any physic,
language or experience in the country medicines, or their
names; besides which the heart-breaking distractions of
being parted for ever from his wife and children would be
insupportable, and entirely take away his qualifications for
the King^s service ; that under the favour of His Majesty's
clemency, with the utmost submission, he desired that he
might have leave to depart with us. From ourselves we
informed the Vizier that we should have esteemed this a very
great honour, but finding the Doctor under these troubles
not to be persuaded, we were obliged to lay the case before
His Majesty, and we humbly desired he would use his inter-
cessions to the King, that His Majesty might be prevailed
upon to dispatch him. The good Vizier readily offered to
use his utmost endeavours ; and since the case was so, the
business was to gain the Doctor^s dispatch without displeasing
the King ; and he ordered a petition to be drawn up to His
Majesty in the same form as that given to himself. It was
sent him, and the Vizier was as good as his word ; writing
a very pathetic address to His Majesty, enforcing Mr. Hamil-
ton's reasons and backing them with his own opinion, that
it was better to let him go. The King returned an answer,
which came out the 6th, as follows : ' Since he is privy to my
disease, and perfectly understands his business, I would very
fain have kept him, and given him whatsoever he should
have asked. But seeing he cannot be brought on any terms
to be content I agree to it ; and on condition that after he
has gone to Europe and procured such medicines as are not
to be got here and seen his wife and children, he return to
visit the Court once more, let him go.' We hope in God the
troublesome business is now blown over."
Death of The English, mission to Delhi, and stoiT of Dr.
Hamilton: In- ^ ' ,J
tomb!'*'" "° ^* Hamilton's success in curing the great Moghul, were
long remembered at Calcutta. Hamilton died soon
after his retm'n to Bengal. The news of his death
was sent to Delhi, but the Emperor, Earrukh Siyar,
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. Ig5
would not believe it. He sent an officer of rank to
make enquiries at Calcutta. The tombstone of tlie
dead surgeon is still to be seen. It bears an English
epitaph, together with a Persian inscription, which
has been thus translated : —
" William Hamilton, Physician in the service of the Eng-
lish Company, who had accompanied the English ambassadors
to the enlightened presence, and having made his own name
famous in the four quarters of the earth by the cure of the
Emperor, the asylum of the world, Muhammad Farrukh Siyar,
the victorious ; and, with a thousand difficulties, having ob-
tained permission from the Court which is the refuge of the
universe, to return to his country ; by the Divine decree, on
the fourth of December 1717, died in Calcutta, and is buried
here."
Within two or three years of the departure of the Bioody quamia
. . ati>ellii.
English mission from Delhi, the reign of Earrukh
Siyar was brought to a troubled close. The two
brothers found it impossible to trust the sovereign
whom they had placed on the throne. They sur-
rounded the palace with theu' armies. During the
night the wildest rumours were spreading through
Delhi. Husain had brought up an army of
Mahrattas from the Dekhan ; it was said that the
Mahrattas were plundering the city. The Muham-
madans turned out in a panic and massacred hun-
dreds of Mahrattas. At early morning the tumult
was over.
All that niffht a tras^edy had been firoin^ on in Murder of the
'^ O ./ O O Emperor
the palace. Earrukh Siyar refused to leave the ^^"'^^^ ^'y^-
harem. It was no time for respecting the harem.
Abdulla Khan ordered a band of Afghans to force
1§6 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
the doors. Farrukli Siyar was half dead with fear.
The women filled the air with slmeks and screams ;
they tried in vain to screen him. He was dragged
from their arms and thrust into a dungeon. A hot
ii'on was di'awn across his eyes ; henceforth he was
unfit to reign. A child was taken out of the state
prison and placed upon the throne. The kettle-
drums were sounded at the palace gate. The can-
non boomed through the morning air. All men
knew that Parrukh Siyar had ceased to reign ; that
another Em2:)eror was reigning in his stead. Delhi
was tranquil. Two months afterwards, Parrukh
Siyar was murdered in liis dungeon. His remains
were bui-ied in the famous tomb of Humayun.^
English settle- Tlic statc of Calcutta at this period is best
ments in Bengal,
^^^' gathered from the narrative of Captain Hamilton,
the same man who has described Madras and Fort
Saint George in 1720, or thereabouts. Captain
Hamilton fm^nishes not only a curious account of
Calcutta, but notices all the English settlements
in Bengal, beginning with Piply. The following
extracts appear authentic : —
Enin of Piply by " Pinlv lies Oil the banks of a river supposed to be a branch
the removal to i^
Hugh and of the Ganges, about five leasrues from that or Ballasore :
Calcutta. . .
formerly it was a place of trade, and was honoured with
English and Dutch factories. The country produces the same
commodities that Ballasore does ; at present it is reduced to
begg-ary by the removal of the English factory to Hughly and
Calcutta, the merchants being all gone. It is now inhabited
by fishers, as are also Ingellie, and Kidgerie, two neighbouring
islands on the west side of the mouth of Ganges. These
1 Scott's Historj' of the Successors of Auruugzeb.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 187
islands abound also in tame swine, where they are sold very
cheap, for I have bought one-and-twenty good hogs, between
50 and 80 pouud weight each, for seventeen rupees, or forty-five
shillings sterling. Those islands send forth dangerous sand
banks, that are both numerous and large, and make the navi-
gation out and in to Hughly River both troublesome and
dangerous ; and after we pass those islands, in going up the river
the channel for shipjnng is on the east side, and several creeks
run from the channel among a great number of islands^
formed by different channels of Ganges, two of which are
more remarkable than the rest, viz., Coxe^s and Sagor Islands,
where great ships were obliged to anchor to take in part of
their cargoes, because several places in the river are too shallow
for great ships to pass over, when their whole cargoes are aboard.
" There are no inhabitants on those islands, for they are so Cose'sand
-.,. , , 111 -jp Sagor Islanda.
pestered with tigers that there could be no security lor
human creatures to dwell on them ; nay, it is even dangerous
to land on them, or for boats to anchor near them, for in the
night they have swimmed to boats at anchor, and carried
men out of them ; yet among the Pagans, the Island Sagor
is accounted holy, and great numbers of Jougies go yearly
thither in the months of November and December, to wor-
ship and wash in salt-water, though many of them fall
sacrifices to the hungry tigers.
" The first safe anchoring place in the river, is off the mouth Anchorage at
of a river about twelve leagues above Sagor, commonly
known by the name of Rogue^s River, wTiich had that ap-
pellation from some banditti Portuguese, who were followers
of Sultan Shuja, when Amir Jumla, AurungzeVs general,
drove that unfortunate prince out of his province of Bengal ;
for those Portuguese, having no way to subsist, after their
master's flight to the kingdom of Arakan, betook them-
selves to piracy among the islands at the mouth of the Ganges ;
and that river having communication with all the channels
from Chittagong to the westward, from this river they used to
sally out, and commit depredations on those that traded in the
river of Hughly.
188
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Calculta, Juan-
pardna, and
Raduagur.
Danish house. " About five leagues farther up^ on the west side of the river
of Hug-hly, is another branch of the Gauges,, called Ganga. It is
broader than that of Hughly, but much shallower^ and more
incumbered with sand banks ; a little below the mouth of it
the Danes have a thatched house, but for what reasons they
kept a house there, I never could learn.
'* Along" the river of Hughly there are many small villages
and farms, intersperst in those large plains, but the first of
any note on the river^s side is Calculta, a market town for
corn, coarse cloth, butter, and oil, with other productions of
the country. Above it is the Dutch Bankshall, a place where
their ships ride when they cannot get farther up for the too
swift currents of the river. Calculta has a large deep river
that runs to the eastward, and so has Juanpardoa ; and on the
west side there is a river that runs by the back of Hughly
Island, which leads up to Radnagur, famous for manufacturing
cotton cloth, and silk romaals, or handkerchiefs. Buffundri
and Trefiudi, or Gorgat and Cottrong, are on that river,
which produce the greatest quantities of the best sugars
in Bengal.
" A little higher up on the east side of Hughly Ilivei', is
Ponjelly, a village where a corn mart is kept once or twice in
a week ; it exports more rice than any place on this river ; and
five leagues farther up on the other side, is Tanna Fort, built
to protect the trade of the river, at a place convenient
enough, where it is not above half a mile from shore to shore ;
but it never was of much use, for in the year 1686, when the
English Company quarrelled with the Moghul, the Company
had several jzreat ships at Hughly, and this Fort was manned
in order to hinder their passage down the river. One 60-
gun ship approaching pretty near the Fort, saluted it with
a broadside, which so frightened the Governor and his myr-
midons, that they all deserted their post, and left their
castle to be plundered by the English seamen. About a
Govemaporc. league farther up on the other side of the river, is Gov-
ernapore, where there is a little pyramid built for a land-
mark, to confine the Company's Colony of Calcutta, or Fort
Ponjelly,
Tanna Fort.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 189
William. On that side, and about a league farther up,
stands Fort William.
" The English settled at Calcutta about the year 1690, after settlement at.
the Moghul had pardoned all the robberies and murders com- Job channock,
. . . 1690.
mitted on his subjects. Mr. Job Channock being then the Com-
pany's Agent in Bengal, he had liberty to settle an emporium
in any part on the river's side below Hughly; and for the sake
of a large shady tree chose that place, though he could not
have chosen a more unheal thful place on all the river ; for
three miles to the north-eastward, is a salt water lake that
overflows in September and October, and then prodigious
numbers of fish resort thither ; but in November and Decem-
ber when the floods are dissipated, those fishes are left dry, and
with their putrefaction affect the air with thick stinking
vapours, which the north-east winds bring with them to
Fort William, that they cause a yearly mortality. One year I
was there, and there were reckoned in August about twelve
hundred English, some military, some servants to the Com-
pany, some private merchants residing in the town, and some
seamen belonging to shipping lying at the town ; and before the
beginning of January there were four hundred and sixty
burials registered in the Gierke's book of mortality.
" Mr. Channock choosinoj the g-round of the colony, where Despotic power
, , f „ . 11 of Mr.Channock.
it now IS, reigned more absolute than a Kaja, only he wanted
much of their humanity, for when any poor ignorant native
transgressed his laws, they were sure to undergo a severe
whipping for a penalty, and the execution was generally done
when he was at dinner, so near his dining-room that the
groans and cries of the poor delinquent served him for
music.
" The country about being overspread with Paganism, the story of jir.
custom of wives burning with their deceased husbands, is Native wife,
also practised here. Before the Moghul's war, Mr. Channock
went one time with his ordinary guard of soldiers, to see a
young widow act that tragical catastrophe; but he was so
smitten with the widow's beauty, that he sent his guards to
' This name is somtimes spelt Charnock,
190
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Fort Winiani
and English
bouses.
Storv of Sir
Edward Little-
ton,
Mr. Weldon.
take her by force from her executioners^ and conducted her
to his own lodg-ings. They lived loving-ly many years^ and
had several children. At length she died, after he had set-
tled in Calcutta; but instead of converting her to Christianity
she made him a proselyte to Paganism; and the only part of
Christianity that was remarkable in him^ was burying her
decently. He built a tomb over her, where all his life
after her death, he kept the anniversary day of her death by
sacrificing a cock on her tomb, after the Pagan manner;
this was and is the common report, and I have been credibly
informed, both by Christians and Pagans, who lived at
Calcutta under his Agency, that the story was really true
matter of fact.
'Tort William was built an irregular tetragon, of brick and
moi'tar, called puckah, which is a composition of brick-dust,
lime, molasses, and cut hemp ; and when it comes to be dry, is
as hard and tougher than firm stone or brick. The town
was built without order, as the builders thought most con-
venient for their own aflPairs ; every one taking in what ground
best pleased them for gardening, so that in most houses you
must pass through a garden into the house ; the English
building near the river^s side, and the natives within-land.
" The Agency continued till the year 1 705. Then the old and
new Companies united, and then it became a split Government,
the old and new Companies' servants governing a week about,
which made it more anarchical than regular. Sir Edward
Littleton was Agent and Consul for the new Company at
Hughly when this union of the Companies was made; and
then he was ordered to remove his factory to Calcutta, and,
being of an indolent disposition, had left his accounts with
the Company run behind. He was suspended, but lived at
Calcutta till 1707, when he died there. He was the only
President or precedent in the Company's service that lost an
estate of seven hundred pounds per annum in so j)rofitable a
post in their service.
"This double-headed Government continued in Calcutta till
January 1707. Then Mr. Weldon arrived with the Company's
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 191
commission to settle it at Bombay aud Fort St. George,
which were under the management of a Governor and
Council, which those of the direction in England took to be
a better way to promote their own creatures, as well as their
own interest. His term of governing was very short, and
he took as short a way to be enriched by it, by harassing the
people to fill his coflFers.
" Yet he was very shy in taking bribes, referring those seandaisi about
honest folks, who trafficked that way, to the discretion of
his wife and daughter, to make the best bargain they could
about the sum to be paid, and to pay the money into their
hands. I could give many instances of the force of bribery,
both here and elsewhere in India, but am loth to ruffle the
skin of old sores.
" About fifty yards from Fort William stands the church Divine Service,
built by the pious charity of merchants residing there, and
the Christian benevolence of sea-faring men, whose aflPairs
call them to trade there ; but Ministers of the Gospel being
subject to mortality, very often young merchants are obliged
to officiate^ and have a salary of 50^. per annum added to
what the Company allows them, for their pains in reading
prayers and sermons on Sundaj^s.
" The Governor's house in the Fort, is the best and most Governor's
liotisc
regular piece of architecture that I ever saw in India. And
there are many convenient lodgings, for factors and writers,
within the Fort, and some store-houses for the Company's
goods, and the magazines for their ammunition.
'^The Company has a pretty good hospital at Calcutta, Hospital,
where many go in to undergo the penance of physick, but fish-ponds.
few come out to give account of its operation. The Company
has also a pretty jrood garden that furnishes the Governor's
table with herbage aud fruits; and some fish-ponds to serve
his kitchen with good carp, calkops, and mullet.
" Most of the inhabitants of Calcutta that make any toler-
able figure have the same advantages ; and all sorts of
provisions, both wild and tame, being plentiful, good aud
cheap, as well as clothing, make the country very agreeable.
192 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
notwithstauding the above-mentioned iuconvenieueies that
attend it.
Pocks on the '^ Ou the other side of the river are docks made for repairing'
opposite bank. ir.- i-i-jivj i -it
and nttmg their ships bottoms^ and a pretty good garden
belonging to the Armenians, that had been a better place to
have built their Fort and Town in for many reasons. One
isj thatj where it now stands, the afternoon^s sun is full in
the fronts of the houses, and shines hot on the street.s, that
are both above and below the Fort ; the sun would have sent
its hot rays on the back of the houses, and the fronts had
been a good shade for the streets.
Social life of the " Most gentlemen and ladies in Bengal live both splendidly
Bengal. and pleasantly, the forenoons being dedicated to business,
and after dinner to rest, and in the evening to recreate them-
selves in chaises or palankins in the fields, or to gardens, or
by water in their budgeroes, which is a convenient boat that
goes swiftly with the force of oars. On the river some-
times there is the diversion of fishing or fowling, or both ;
and before night they make friendly visits to one another
when pride or contention do not spoil society, which too
often they do among the ladies, as discord and faction do
among the men. And although the ' Conscript Fathers^ of the
colony disagree in many points among themselves, yet they
all agree in oppressing strangers who are consigned to them,
not suffering them to buy or sell their goods at the most
advantageous market, but of the Governor and his Council,
who fix their own prices, high or low, as seemeth best to their
wisdom and discretion : and it is a crime hardly pardonable
for a private merchant to go to Hughly, to inform himself of
the current prices of goods, although the liberty of buying
and selling is entirely taken from him before.
Enpiieh "The ofarrisou of Fort William generally consists of two or
soldiers. ° . - .
three hundred soldiers, more for to convey their fleet from
Patna, with the Company^s saltpetre, and piece goods, raw silk
and some opium belonging to other merchants, than for the
defence of the Fort j for, as the Company holds their colony in
feetail of the Moghul, they need not be afraid of any enemies
ENGLISH IX BENGAL. 193
coming to dispossess thera. And if they should, at any tirae^
quarrel ag-aiu with the Moghul, his prohibiting his suhjects
to trade with the Company would soon end the quarrel.
" There are some impertinent troublesome Rajas, whose ter- Transit duties
ritories lie on the banks of the Ganges, between Patna and Rajas.
Cossimbazaar, who pretend to lay a tax on all goods and mer-
chandize that pass by, or through their dominions on the
river, and often raise forces to compel payment; but some
forces from Fort William in boats generally clear the
passage, though I have known some of our men killed iu
the skirmishes.
" In Calcutta all relisrions are freely tolerated but the Pres- nifrerent
'-' '' _ religions.
byterian, and that they brow-beat. The Pagans carry their
idols in procession through the town. The Roman Catho-
licks have their Church to lodge their idols in, and the
Mahometan is not discountenanced ; but there are no pole-
mics, except what are between our High-church men and
our Low, or between the Governor's party and other private
merchants on points of trade.
'' The colony has veiy little manufactory of its own, for the injustice of the
Government, being pretty arbitrary, discourages ingenuity Governors.
and industry in the populace ; for, by the weight of the
Company's authority, if a native chances to disoblige one of
the upper-house, he is liable to arbitrary punishment, either
by fine, imprisonment or corporal sufferings. I will give one
instance, out of many that I knew, of the injustice of a
Governor of the double-headed Government in the year 1706.
" There was one Captain Perrin, master of a ship, who took story of Captaiu
up about five hundred pounds on respondentia from Mr. Ralph eruor sheidou.
Sheldon, one of the Governors, on a voyage to Persia, payable
at his return to Bengal. Perrin, having dispatched his affairs
in Persia sooner than he expected, called at Goa on his way
home, and bought a Surat-built ship very cheap, and carried
her to Calicut and took in a quantity of pepper for the Bengal
market ; and having brought iu his other ship good store of
Persian wines, called at Fort St. Geoige to dispose of what
he could there, but, finding no encouragement from that
N
194 EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
market, carried it to Bengal. On bis arrival he compli-
mented Mr. Sheldon with the offer of his pepper and wine,
but he declined meddling with that bargain farther than
with as much of the pepper, at the current price, as would
balance his account of principal and respondentia. Accord-
ingly Perrin delivered so much pepper, and, on the delivery,
required his bond up, but the Governor told him, that he
being a fellow troubled with the spirit of interloping in
buying goods, and taking freights where he could best get
them, he would keep that bond as a curb on him, that he
should not spoil his markets for the future. Poor Perrin used
all his rhetoric to get his bond up, but to no purpose; and
the Governor, moreover, gave his wine a bad name, so that he
could not dispose of that either; and all this oppression was
in order to strain him, that he might be obliged to sell his
new purchased ship, at a low price, to him and his associates ;
which, at last, he was obliged to do, holding a quarter part
in his own hands, to secure the command of her to himself,
which after all he could hardly do. Perrin made his com-
plaint to me, but I was in no condition to assist him, because
I, having three or four large ships at Bengal, was reckoned a
criminal guilty of that unpardonable sin of interloping. How-
ever I advised Perrin to comjdy with his inexorable master, on
any terms of agreement whatsoever ; which he endeavoured to
do, that he might at least keep the command of his shij:),
where he was so much concerned, and had hardly done it
but by accident. One day, meeting me on the green near
the Fort, he stopt me to relate his griveances, and begged
that, if he was turned out of his own ship, he might have an
employ in one of mine, which I promised he should.
Hamilton's in- " Sheldou cspicd US, out of a window, holding a long con-
fabulation, and being impatient to know about what, sent a
servant to call Perrin ; and he, obeying the summons, was
interrogated about what our discourse was ; and he told the
promise I had made him. Sheldon told him that he was
as capable to employ him as I could be. Perrin answered
that he knew that, but wished that he would be as willing
terfercncc.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 195
too; so Sbeldon promised that lie should command his own
ship to Persia.
^'But the wine still lay unsold, though it was scarce then story of the
in Bengal ; but the name that it got, first at Fort St. George,
and afterwards in Fort William, stuck so fast to it, that
none of it would go off at any price ; so I advised him to carry
it oflF in the night, in my boats, on board of one of my
ships, and I would try if I could serve him in selling it;
which accordingly he did, and two gentlemen of the Council,
being that season bound for England, coming one day to
dine with me, I treated them, and the rest of my company,
with that Persian wine, which they all praised, and asked me
where I got it. I told them that, knowang that good wines
would be scarce at Bengal that year, I had provided a good
quantity at Surat, from whence I had come that season.
Every one begged that I would spare them some chests,
which I condescended to do as a favour; and next day sent
them what they wanted, at double the price the owner de-
manded for it, while he had it ; and so got off above a hun-
dred and twenty chests, which enabled Mr. Perrin to satisfy
most of his creditors.^
'^ The Compauy^s colony is limited by a land-mark at Territory and
_, -, "^ population of
(jrovernapore, and another near Barnagul, about six miles t^e compan/a
,. ,, - 111 -, settlement.
distant; and the salt-water lake bounds it on the land side.
It may contain, in all, about ten or twelve thousand souls ;
and the Company^s revenues are pretty good, and well paid.
They rise from ground-rents and consulage on all goods im-
ported by British subjects ; but all nations besides are free
from taxes.
" Barnagul is the next village on the river's side, above uarna-ui.
Calcutta, where the Dutch have the house and o-arden.
" There are several other villages on the river sides, in the Danish colony.
way to Hughly, which lies twenty miles above Barnagul, but
none remarkable, till we come to the Danes'" factory, which
1 It must be borne in mind that Captain Hamilton was an interloper,
and therefore a natural enemy of the Couii)any, and very prone to believe
anything evil concerning them.
196
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Danish and
French Com-
panies.
Putfh factory
at Chinsura,
Hughly,
stands about four miles below Hui^lil}'; i)ut the poverty o£ the
Danes has made them desert it, after having robbed the
Moghul^s subjects of some of their shipping-, to keep them-
selves from starving-.
" Almost opposite to the Dane^s factory is Bankebanksal/
a place where the Ostend Company settled a factoiy, but, in
the year 172.3, they quarrelled with the Fouzdar or Governor of
Hughly, and he forced the offenders to quit their factory, and
seek protection from the French at Chandernagore, where
their factory is, but, for want of money, are not in a eapacit)^
to trade. They have a few private families dwelling near the
factory, and a pretty little church to hear Mass in, which
is the chief business of the French in Bengal.
" About half a league farther up is Chinsura, where
the Dutch emporium stands. It is a large factory, walled
high with brick. And the factors have a great many good
houses standing pleasantly on the river's side; and all of
them have pretty gardens to their houses. The settlement at
Chinsura is wholly under the Dutch Company's Government.
It is about a mile long, and about the same breadth, well in-
habited by Armenians and the natives. It is contiguous to
Hughly, and affords sanctuary for many poor natives, when
they are in danger of being oppressed by the MoghuPs Gov-
ernor, or his harpies.
'' Hughly is a town of a large extent, but ill built. It
reaches al)out two miles along the river's side, from Chin-
sura before mentioned to Bandel, a colony formerly set-
tled by the Portuguese, but the Moghul's Fouzdaar governs
both at present. This town of Hughly drives a great trade,
because all foreign goods are brought thither for import,
and all goods of the product of Bengal are brought hither
for exportation. And the Moghul's custom-house is at this
place. It affords I'ich cargoes for fifty or sixty ships yearly,
' The term " Banksoll " has always been a puzzle to the Enp;lish in India
It is borrowed from the Dutch. The " Soil " is the Dutch or Danish " Zoll,"
the English " Toll." The Bankroll was thus the place on the " bank " whore
all tolls or duties were levied on laudinur proods.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 197
besides wliut is canied to neighbouring countries in small
vessels ; and there are vessels that bring" saltpetre from
Patnaj above fifty yards long", and five broad, and two and a
half deep, and can carry above two hundred tons. They come
down in the mouth of October, before the stream of the
river, but are oblig'ed to track them up again, with strength of
hand, about a thousand miles. To mention all the particular
species of goods that this rich country produces is far beyond
my skill ; but, in our East India Company's sales, all the
sorts, that are sent hence to Europe, may be found; but
oj)ium, long pepper and ginger are commodities that the
trading shipping in India deals in, besides tobacco, and many
sorts of piece goods that are not merchantable in Europe.
" Now this being my farthest travels up the famous Ganges, Cossimbazar.
I must advance farther on the report of others, and so I begin
with Cossimbazaar, about hundred miles north of Hughly,
where the English and Dutch have their respective factories,
and, by their Companies' orders, the seconds of Council ought
to be chiefs of those factories. The town is large, and much
frequented by merchants, which never fails of making a
place rich. The country about it is very healthful and fruit-
ful, and produces industrious people, who cultivate many
valuable manufactories.
" Murshedabad is but twelve miles from it, a place of much iiurshedabad.
greater antiquity, and the Moghul has a mint there. It was,
in former times, the greatest place of trade and commerce
on the Ganges, but now its trade and grandeur adorns
Cossimbazaar.
" About forty or fifty miles to the eastward of Murshedabad, Maida.
on another channel of the Ganges, is Malda, a large town,
well inhabited and frequented by merchants ; the English
and Dutch had factories there, but whether they are con-
tinued still, I know not.
" Patna is the next town frequented by Europeans, where Patna.
the English and Dutch have factories for saltpetre and raw
silk. It produces also so much opium that it serves all the
countries in India with that commodity. It is the place of
198 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
residence o£ the Viceroy of Bengal, who is always of the blood
royal. The town is large, but the houses built at some
distance from one another. The country is pleasant and
fruitful ; and the town lies in 26 degrees of latitude to the
northward of the equator.
Benares. " Bcnarcs lies about a hundred miles farther up the river,
celebrated for its sanctity by all persons over India, where
paganism prevails. Here are seminaries and universities for
the education of youth, and to initiate them into the mys-
teries of their religion. Aurungzeb restrained the priests from
showing the madness of their zeal, for they found out some
weak dotards, who, for ostentation, would go to the top of a
high tower, and leap down whei'e divers pointed weapons were
placed in the spot they were to fall on, and among them they
ended their silly lives. It is still in so much veneration that
I have known young and old Banyans go from Surat thither
overland, out of devotion, which is computed to be a distance
of four hundred miles. The priests fill brass and copper pots,
made in the shape of short-necked bottles, with Ganges water,
which they consecrate and seal up, and send those bottles,
which contain about four English gallons, all over India, to
their benefactors, who make them good returns, for whoever is
washed with that water just before they expire, are washed as
clean from their sins as a new-born babe.
Dacca. " I havc Ventured so far into this tenra-mcogn'ita on the
Ganges, that I dare venture no farther, but must visit Dacca,
wiiich lies under the tropic of Cancer, on the broadest and
eastermost branch of Ganges. The city is the largest in
Bengal, and it manufactures cotton and silk the best and
cheapest. The plenty and cheapness of provisions are in-
credible, and the country is full of inhabitants, but it breeds
none of tolerable courage, for five or six armed meu will
chase a thousand. Yet, about two centuries ago, Dacca had
its own Kings, but when Jehangir,the Emperor of the Moghuls,
over-ran Bengal with a victorious army, a detachment of
twenty thousand men was sent down to Dacca, on whose
approach the poor Bengal King surrendered his kingdom.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 199
without once drawing his sword in its defence, and so it
easily became annexed to the Mog'hu?s dominions.
" That branch of the Ganges disembogues into the sea at chittajsrong.
Chittagong, or, as the Portuguese call it, Xatigam, about fifty
leagues below Dacca; and this place confines the MoghuFs
donainions to the eastwards. The distance between Sagor, the
westernmost channel of the Ganges, and Chittagong eastern-
most, is about a hundred leagues, the maritime coast being
divided into many small islands made by the currents of the
Ganges, but very few are inhabited, because they are so pestered
with tigers that there is little safety for other inhabitants; and
there are also many rhinoceroses on those islands, but they are
not so dangerous neighbours as the tigers, yet, when provoked,
they will assault any living thing. Nature has endued him
with two particular rarities out of her stores. One is a large
horn placed on his nose. The second is a coat of mail to defend
him from the teeth or claws of other fierce animals. His
tongue is also somewhat of a rarity, for, if he can but get
any of his antagonists down, he Avill lick them so clean that he
leaves neither skin nor flesh to cover their bones ; but he is
seldom known to be an aggressor, except when he meets with
an elephant ; then he sharpens his horn and assaults, though
he is much inferior to the elephant in bulk and strength, being
no bigger than a very large ox, yet he often overcomes in
spite of the elephant''s teeth.
'' Sundiva is an island four leagues distant from the rest, sundiva.
and so far it lies in the sea; it is about twenty leagues in circum-
ference, and has three fathoms water within a mile of the
shore, and it may serve to shelter small ships from the
raging seas, and winds of the south-west monsoons. I was
credibly informed by one that wintered there, that he bought
580 pounds weight of rice for a rupee, or half a crown,
eight geese for the same money, and sixty good tame poultry
for the same, and cloth is also incredibly cheap. It is but
thinly inhabited, but the people simple and honest.
" The reliofion of Bensfal by law established, is Mahometan t a hundred
, , 1 ill pat^aus to on
yet for one Mahometan there are above a hundred Pagans, Musbuiman.
200
EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
I-i^rhtness of
Rloghul tasa-
tiuu.
Hamilton's
iui perfect
iiifurmation.
Death of Mnr-
blicd Kuli Khau.
I;ise of Aliverili
Kliaii.
and the public offices and posts of trust are filled promis-
cuously with meu of both persuasions.
" The Hindus are better contented to live under the MoghuFs
laws than under pagan Princes, for the ]Moghul taxes them
gently, and every one knows what he must pay, but the
pagan Kings or Princes tax at discretion, making their own
avarice the standard of equity ; besides there were formerly
many small Rajas, that used, upon frivolous occasions, to
pick quarrels with one another, and before they could be made
friends again, their subjects were forced to open both their
veins and purses to gratify ambition or folly.^'
Sucli were the European settlements in Bengal
as they appeared to a ship captain in the early-
years of the eighteenth century. Of the Moghul
government of the Nawab, Hamilton knew no-
thing. He says that a prince imperial resided at
Patna as Viceroy of Bengal. But there had been
no Viceroy of Bengal resident in the province since
the death of Aurungzeb in 1707. At the time of
Hamilton's voyages up the Ptiver Hughli, Murshed
Kuli Khan, or one of his successors, must have
been Nawab of Bengal, residing at Murshedabad.
Murshed Kuli Khan died in 172 i. He was
succeeded in turn by a son-in-law and grandson.
Neither of these two Nawabs were men of any cha-
racter. In 1742 the grandson was overthrown by
a rebel, named Aliverdi Klian. Tliis man is a typo
of the adventurers who were abroad in those days.
Aliverdi Khan is said to have been originally
a hookah-bearer to the Xawab. He was ultimately
made deputy governor of Behar. At this period
he conquered most of the Hindu Eajas in Behar,
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 201
either by force or treachery. One story will serve
as an illustration of his administration.
There was a once famous Raia in Beliar, known uajaof the
" Chukwarti.
as the E-aja of the Chukwars. He had a town,
named Samba over against Monghyr. The English
knew him well, for he levied duties on all goods
going up or down the river between Calcutta and
Patna, and there had been many a fight between
the English escort and the Kaja and his followers.
He was, in fact, one of those petty Rajas who col-
lected, or tried to collect, arbitrary imposts on all
goods passing through their neighbom'hood. No
doubt these imposts were a kind of black mail.
This Raia of the Chukwars had always set the independence of
J *> the old Kaja :
Moghuls at defiance ; he would pay neither tribute tSe young'Raja,
nor homage to Aliverdi Khan. He died about
1730 ; his son succeeded to the Raj. The son sub-
mitted to Aliverdi Khan and paid a yearly tri-
bute. Both sides feared treachery. Accordingly it
was agreed that when the Raja paid Ms yearly
tribute, he should be accompanied by thirty fol-
lowers and no more. In Hke manner it was agreed
that the officer who received the tribute should also
have only thirty followers. Tliis rule was strictly
observed for four years in succession.
On the fifth year, when the tribute was about rreaciiery of
'' Aliverdi
to be paid, the Company's servants at Calcutta ''^''""•
were sending goods and treasure to Patna under
the charge of an escort of soldiers. The goods
were in charge of a young merchant named Hol-
well. Holwell and the Major commanding the
202 EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
escort saw a boat passing by, and called on it to stoj)
as tbey wanted some fish. The boat came up
with six baskets on board. Instead of fish, they
contained the bleeding heads of the Eaja and liis
tlui'ty followers. All had been murdered by the
treachery of the ofiicer of Ahverdi Khan. It
tm-ned out that an ambuscade had been set by the
order of Aliverdi Khan ; that the Raja and his
thirty followers had all been treacherously attacked,
miu'dered, and beheaded ; that the heads had been
sent away to Patna to satisfy Aliverdi Khan. That
same night the Haja's town of Samba was sacked
and burnt by the forces of Aliverdi Klian.^
Persian invasiou Mcanwhilc thc f orce of the Moc^hul empire was
under Nadir "-^ ■■•
shai., 173^-39 £^g^ wastlug away. Parrukh Siyar was Little better
than a pageant. His successors fooled away their
time with concubines and bulfoons, and left the
administration in the hands of corrupt and unscru-
pulous ministers. The empire of Akbar and Au-
rungzeb was only held together under their feeble
successors by the force of old routine and the
prestige of a name. In 1738-39, the empire received
a mortal blow. Nadir Shah of Persia advanced
with a large army upon Delhi. The story of the
invasion of Nadk Shah reveals the fact, that the
Moghul empire was rotten to the core. It fur-
nishes such a terrible picture of the defenceless
state of Hindustan, and is so often referred to in
' HohvfU's Tracts. Mr. Holwell states that he liimsclf was au eye-wit-
ness, haviug becu with the English boats at the time.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 203
tlie later records, that it cannot be passed over in
silence.
The Persian empire was founded by the Sufi Afghan conqtiest
-L '^01 rer^ia ; rise
dynasty in the beginning of the sixteenth centuiy, of ^'^^"^ shah.
on the ruins of the great Tartar empire created
in the fourteenth century by Timur. The Sufi
dynasty lingered on for two centuries, and was
then overthrown by an Afghan invasion shortly
after the death of Aurungzeb in the beginning
of the eighteenth century. The Afghan conquest
of Persia is one of the most honible stories of
rapine and outrage in the annals of the world.
Amidst the general anarchy, a freebooter assumed
the sovereignty of Persia, under the name of Nadir
Shah. He founded a new Persian empire which
threatened to rival that of Darius. He conquered
all the region to the eastward, — Bokhara, Kabul, and
Kandahar.
It was natm'al that Nadir Shah shotdd have causes of the
Persian invasion
overrun Kabul and Kandahar. He scarcely wanted °^ '"^''*-
to invade India ; he was drawn into it by the sense-
less conduct of the Moghul and his ministers. He
sent ambassadors to Dellii; he received no con-
gratulations, and no replies. His ambassadors were
not even dismissed ; they were kept waiting on at
Court. He was surprised ; he grew exasperated.
The way was open before him; the passes had
ceased to be guarded. In former times, a yearly
subsidy of twelve lakhs of rupees had served to
block up the passes. Part of the money was dis-
tributed to the hill tribes ; the remainder was spent
204 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
on garrisons. The worthless Vizier at Delhi kej)t
back the money for his own iise. The posts were
abandoned. The army of Nadir Shah moved on
imcheeked towards Dellii. Meanwhile no reports of
the threatened danger reached the doomed capital ;
or if any ^varnings were received, they were wholly
disregarded until there was no possibility of repelling
the invasion.
Incapacity. At last thc ncws arrived at the Moghul Court that
corruption, and t i -i
treachery. Is adir Sliah was commg. A vast mob of Hindu-
stanis was gathered together to resist the Persian
invaders. Kadir Shah gained an easy victory. There
was no real opposition. The two leading Moghul
grandees were quarrelling for the post of Amir-ul-
TJmra, literally Amir of i^mirs, otherwise the chief
of all the grandees. One bribed Nadir Shah to
return to Persia by a payment of two millions ster-
ling ; and was rewarded for his success by being ap-
pointed to the coveted post. The disappointed rival
was so exasperated that in sheer revenge he opened
up a communication with Nadir Shah ; told him
that the two millions sterling was a mere drop in the
ocean when compared with the vast riches wliicli
were accumulated in the city and palace at Dellii.
In this manner, out of the meanest spite and malice
against the Emperor and his ministers, he prevailed
on Nadir Shah to advance and plunder Dellii.^
' This is the story told by the Mussulman author of the Siyar-ul-
Mutakherin. Chin Kulich Khou, the Nizam of the Dekhan, is said to have
becu the man who purchased the return of Nadir Shah j whilst ?a<lut Khau,
the Nawab of Oude, is said to have been the traitor.
ENGLISH IX BENGAL. 205
The story of what followed is horrihle. Nadir Massacre,
_^ outrage, and
Shah went to Delhi. He took up his quarters in spoliation.
the palace. His Persian troops were scattered over
the city. Suddenly it was noised ah road that Xadir
Shah was killed. The Hindustanis rose up and
began to murder the Persians. Hundreds were
slaughtered in the panic. The news reached Nadir
Shah. He called together his forces. He ordered
a general massacre. The mosque is still pointed
out in the principal street of Delhi, known as the
Chandni Chouk, where Nadir Shah took liis seat
wliilst the massacre was going on. The murders
and outrages that were perpetrated in Delhi, under
the eye of the conqueror, are beyond description.
"Whenever the Persians found a dead comrade, they
desolated the whole neighbourhood, butchered the
people, and committed unspeakable atrocities. In
the evening Nadu- Shah proclaimed a general par-
don. The dead bodies were thrown up in vast
heaps with the beams and rafters of the ruined
houses, and the whole was set on fire. There was
no distinction between Mussulman and Hindu.
The spoil was beyond all computation. Besides the
general plimder, the hoarded wealth of generations
was carried off from the imperial palace at Delhi.
The peacock throne vanished for ever.
The captiu'e and sack of Delhi by Nadir Shah Breaking up of
^ '' the Moghul
heralded the downfall of the Moghul empire. The ='"p''«-
governors of provinces asserted their independence
of the Moghul Emperor, and ceased to remit reve-
nue to Delhi. The Mahrattas had long ceased to
206 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
fear the Mogliul power ; tliey had estabhshed do-
minions in Malwa and Berar. But hitherto they
had been kept tolerably quiet, as far as Dellii was
concerned, by the yearly payment of stipulated
shares of the imperial revenue, under the name of
chout. After the sack of Delhi by the Persians,
there was no cJiottt forthcoming to keep the Mah-
rattas quiet, and they soon began to help them-
selves. They began to plunder the Dekhan and
the Carnatic, and they soon began to plunder
Behar, Bengal, and Orissa.
state of Btnfe-ai. Wlicu Nadir Shah invaded Hindustan, the grand-
son of Murshed Kuli Khan was Nawab of Bengal,
Behar, and Orissa. The court of Murshedabad
was a sink of iniquity and centre of oppression.
There was no hope of redress from Delhi ; the court
and capital of the Moghul were so prostrate that no
heed was paid to Bengal. At last a conspiracy was
formed against the Nawab at Murshedabad ; and
the conspirators opened up a secret communication
with Aliverdi Khan, the deputy Nawab of Behar,
who was residing at Patna.
The seits, or It would bc diflQ.cult for any European pen to
Hindu baukcrs.
describe the open and avowed depravity of Mur-
shedabad during the generation which preceded the
rise of British power. One incident is told, wliich
was said to have driven the conspirators into
rebellion; but it fails to convey an idea of the
open and flagrant debauchery of the Nawab. The
Seits or Setts were Hindu bankers settled at Mur-
shedabad. They were the Rothschilds of India.
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 207
Tlieir enormous wealth gave them unhounded influ-
ence. If there was one man more than another
who might hope to escape from the oppression of
the Nawah, it was Jugget Seit, the head of the
family.
A son or grandson of JuECirut Seit was married Lawlessness of
~ ~ ~ the Nawab.
in great state at Murshedahad. There were ru-
mours ah out the heauty of the bride; and the
Nawah demanded that she should be sent to the
palace and her face unveiled in his presence. The
old Hindu banker prayed to be spared tliis terrible
indignity. The Nawab was deaf to all his prayers ;
threatened to surround his house with horsemen and
carry off the bride by force. The banker submitted
to the shame; he revenged the affront by promot-
ing the conspiracy in favour of Aliverdi Khan.
It would be useless to dwell on the progress of conspiracy.
the intrifiTue between Murshedahad and Patna. It
was reported at the time that the Nawab had sent
his submission to Nadir Shah ; that the conspiracy
was undertaken imder a show of punishing the
Nawab for his want of fidelity to the Moghul ; and
it is very probable that the return of Nadir Shah
to Persia, and utter prostration of Delhi, encou-
raged Aliverdi Khan to make an attempt on the
government of Bengal.
In 1741-42, Aliverdi Khan marched an army Rebellion an
usur; ation of
from Patna to Murshedahad. The Nawab came j^^-^;' '^^^ KUan,
out to meet the rebel, but his generals were trai-
tors. His artillery would have sufficed to crush the
rebellion; but the sruns were only loaded with
208
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
UsnrpatioTi of
Aliverdi Khan,
1742.
Mahrattas
invade Dengal,
1742-50.
War between
£ni;luud and
France, 1744.
powder. Under such circumstances the Nawab
was soon killed, and then all the generals and
grandees went over to Aliverdi Khan.
In tills fashion, Aliverdi Khan usurped the throne
of Bengal. The Moghul Court at Delhi had been
paralysed by the invasion of Nadu* Shah, and had
neither the power nor the will to interfere. Before
that invasion the Moghul court had been compelled
to make disgraceful treaties with the Mahrattas.
After the invasion it was conj&dently asserted
that the court at Dellii got rid of the Mahrattas
by telling them to go and collect choiit in Bengal.
It is impossible to unravel the intrigues of this
period. One thing is certain, that before Aliverdi
Khan was fahly established upon the throne at
Murshedabad, the Mahrattas began to invade the
provinces of Behar and Orissa. These Mahratta
invasions were repeated almost every year from
1742 to 1750. It is needless to dwell on the murder,
plunder, and outrage that ensued. The people fled
from their houses, and crossed the Ganges in shoals,
in order to escape to the jungles. The markets
w^ere desei*ted ; the lands were untilled ; and the
whole country was a ruin. In 1750 there was
peace. Orissa was abandoned to the Mahrattas,
and the Nawab agreed to pay a yearly tribute, or
cliont, for Bengal and Behar.
The great European event at this period was the
war between England and France. News of the
breaking out of the war reached Calcutta in 1744.
The English at Calcutta and the Fi'cnch at Chander-
ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 209
nagore were compelled to live in peace. The Nawab
strictly proliibited all hostilities between the two
nations within his territories ; and he was strong
enough to be implicitly obeyed.
But whilst there was peace in Bensjal there was Peace between
-•- ~ English and
war in Madi-as. In Southern India, as already f/s^'' '"^ ^"'^'*'
seen, the English and French had gone to war
with a will. In iTJtS, the war had been brought to
a close in Europe by the peace of Aix la Chapelle.
But not even the peace in Em'ope could stop the
war between the English and Erench in Southern
India. Bival Nizams were fighting for the throne
at Hyderabad. Bival Nawabs were fighting for
the throne of the Carnatic. English and Erench
fought on opposite sides. At last, as already stated,
peace was concluded in 1754 between the English
at Madras and the Erench at Pondicherry. The
Erench had established their own Nizam at Hydera-
bad. The English had established their own Xawab
in Carnatic territory.^
1 The principal authorities for the sketch of Bengal are Stewart's History
of Bengal, Orme's Hindustan, Holvvell's Tracts, and the Siyar-ul-Mutakherin.
210 EARLY UECOKDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Synchronistical Table of
DEIiHI.
Sack and massacre at Delhi by Nadir Shah . . . .
Assassination of Nadir Shah in Persia . . . . .
Ahmad Shah Abdali founds an Afghan Empire
First Afirhan invasion of Hindustan under Ahmad Shah
Abdali
Death of Muhammad Shall, Emperor of TMhi
AuMAD Shah, son of Muhammad Shah, succeeds .
Growing influence of the Mahrattas : intrigues at Delhi for
the post of Vizier .......
Ghazi-u-din, Vizier at Delhi, exercises great influence, deposes
and blinds Ahmad Shah ......
Alamghib II succeeds to the throne at Delhi, aged sixty-six .
Second Afghan invasion under Ahmad Shah Abdali, who
enters Delhi, plunders Muthura, and makes Nujib-u-daula,
the itohilla Afghan, gniardiau of Alamghir II .
Ghazi-u-diu returns to Delhi, supported by the Mahrattas
Shahzada, eldest son of Alamghir II, flies from Delhi to Bengal
to escape from the Vizier
Alamghir II murdered by Ghazi-u-din for intriguing with the
Afghans ••.......
Shahzada in Bengal proclaims himself Emperor under the title
of Shah Alam .......
Ghazi-u-din places a puppet prince on the throne at Delhi
Third Afghan invasion: Ahmad Shah Abdali places Jewan
Bakht, eldest son of Shah Alam, on the throne at Delhi
under the guardiauship of Najib-u-daula, the Rohilla
Afghan
Wars between the Afghans and Mahrattas
Total defeat of the Mahrattas by the Afghans at Paniput
1738-39
1747
1748
1754
1757
1758
1759
1760
1761
ENGLISH IN BENGAL.
British Indian History.
211
Bengal.
Aliverdi Khan usurps the Nawabship of Bengal, Behar, and
Orissa ..........
Mahrattas begin yearly invasions
Grant of chout to the Mahrattas
Native contractors of the Company, like Omichund, replaced
by Native agents or gomastas .....
Death of Aliverdi Khan : succession of his grandson Suraj-u-
daula as Nawab A^ril
Capture of Calcutta by Suraj-u-daula . . . Ju7ie
Clive and Watson recover Calcutta . . . January
Chandernagore captured March
Battle of Plassey May
Meer JaflBer set up as Nawab by the English ....
Colonel Forde sent to the Dekhan
Defeat of the Dutch
Appearance and flight of the Shahzada
Shazada proclaimed Emperor under the title of Shah Alam
Clive returns to England .......
Defeat of Shah Alam and the Nawab Vizier of Oude
Shah Alam at Patna . . . . .
Meer Jaffier deposed .
Meer Cossim Ali Khan Nawab
Breach between the Nawab and the English ....
Massacre at Patna
Meer Jaffier Nawab
Battle of Buxar ; defeat of Shah Alam and the Nawab Vizier
of Oude ••-......
Lord Clive accepts the Dewani of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa
from the Emperor Shah Alam
1742
1750
1753
1756
1757
1758
1759
1760
)i
1761
1762
1763
)>
1764
1765
CHAPTER VII.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE.
1750—56.
State of Calcutta, A LL tlils wliilc tliG Eiifflisli Settlement at Cal-
1750-56. L\ '-'
-^-^ cutta was like an oasis of European civil-
isation in a desert of Hindiiisni and Islam. The
Englisli factory, with its warehouses, workshops,
offices, and outlying houses, covered about a hun-
dred acres on the bank of the Hughli. The native
town consisted of three or four large ■villages, more
or less remote from the English factory, and from
each other. Some houses may have been built of
brick and chunam ; some were made of clay and
whitewashed; the bulk were hovels of mud and
straw. There were pagodas, mosques, tanks, and
two or three churches. But Calcutta was not a
metropolis. The English factory was only an em-
porium of the English trade in Bengal. Native
villages near the factoiy were growing into a city
under the stimulus of manufacture and trade.
Mahratta ditch. Thc Euglisli at Calcutta wcrc ncvcr attacked by
the Mahrattas. As far back as 1742, the native in-
habitants had been in great alarm, and obtained
permission to dig a ditch at their own expense round
the Company's bounds, viz., from the northern part
of Chutanuttee to the southern part of Govindpore.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 213
It was known as tlie Maliratta ditch, and would
have sufficed to protect the settlement against the
flying parties of light Mahratta horse. It ran
along the groiuid now occupied by the Circular Road.
If completed, it would have described a semicircle
of seven miles. But the Malu^attas never came,
and after six months the work was abandoned.
The Mahratta ditch only extended three miles ; but,
as far as it went, it served as a boundary of the
Ens^lish settlement at Calcutta on the land side.
The population of Calcutta in the middle of the Population.
eighteenth century is involved in some mystery.
In 1752, it was estimated at four hundi-ed thousand
souls ; probably it was little more than half that
number.^ The European element did not number
more than two or three hundred souls. As com-
pared with the native element, it was probably
little more than one in a thousand.
Between 1752 and 1876, the European element has Calcutta of
■^ 17oi ana i87o
iucreased from two or three hundred to nine thousand <='"^p^<^<i-
souls. It has converted the group of native villages
into a city of palaces. The roads, the streets, the
squares, and the markets, are all European. The
villages of mud and straw have grown into a metro-
polis of brick and stone. The outlying viUage of
Chowringhee, with the smTOunding marshes and
1 Mr. Holwell, who filled the post of English Zemindar of Calcutta in
1752, calculated that there were fifty thousand houses within the Company's
bounds, each containing on the average about eight inmates. Mr. Beverley,
in his Report on the Census of 1876, points out that this estimate is
empirical. The fifty thousand huts and hovels were uot likely to coutaiu on
an average more than four or five inmates each.
214 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,
rice-fields, has become the aristocratic quarter of the
European population. The swamp and jungle which
separated Chowringhee from the river, has been
formed into the large grassy plain known as the
Maidan. The old city has passed away ; the land-
marks have disappeared. Yet it is still possible to
picture Calcutta as it was in 1750; — when the British
empire was about to dawn; when Robert Clive
was making a name in the Madras Presidency;
when Warren Hastings was landing in Bengal for
the first time.
ffi"ut'a;'caicu'tta. "^^^^ Europcau element in Calcutta w^as strictly
commercial. All rank, excepting that of soldiers
and officers in the garrison, was expressed in busi-
ness terms. The Company's servants were divided
into the four grades of m-iters, factors, junior
merchants, and senior merchants.' The Governor
Avas originally known as the Agent of the Court
of Dnectors. This commercial term of " Agent"
has outlived the growth of empire; to tliis day
it is applied to the representatives of the Viceroy
at the courts of Native Princes. The Gover-
nor presided over a Council of ten or twelve
members. Some were absent from Calcutta ; they
served as Chiefs of inland factories at Dacca, Cossim-
bazar, and Patna ; those wdio remained at Calcutta
formed a Board with the Governor as President.
Salaries wore absurdly low^ ; they were only fractions
of the real income. The Company's servants traded
• The writers were origiimlly tennuil " ni)pit iiticcs," but tht- latter imiiie
had fallen into disuse.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 215
on tlieir own account in the eastern seas. They
derived large perquisites, such as commissions and
presents, from native merchants and contractors.
They began to live in a liberal style. The Directors
in England grew angry and suspicious. They sent
out strict orders against extravagance. Nothing
was really done to check the growing evil.
The outward life of the Eno'lish at Calcutta was Trade at
^ Calcutta.
all of the business type. They bought, they sold,
they overlooked, they kept accounts, they wrote let-
ters, they regulated establishments and expenditure.
Large ships from Europe brought woollen goods,
cutlery, iron, copper, and quicksilver. The same
ships carried away cotton piece-goods, line muslins,
silks, indigo, spices, and Indian rarities. Smaller
ships, chartered by the Company's servants, were
sent to different ports in the eastern seas as private
adventures. Public auctions or outcries were held
for the sale of goods ; and buying and selling at
outcry was one of the excitements of Calcutta
life. European commodities were despatched to re-
mote factories. Native manufactures were received
in return. But the sale of European commo-
dities was never on a very extensive scale; and
during the decline of the Moghul empire there was a
great falUng off in the trade. On the other hand,
the export business of providing Indian commodi-
ties and manufactm^es for the home markets was
greater than ever. There was a general demand
for Indian cottons and muslins throughout the Bri-
tish Isles. It was not until a later period in the
216 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
century that Manchester began to appear as a for-
midable riyal to Bengal/
Social life, whether at Calcutta or at the factories
up country, was much the same in character. The
Company's seryants liyed together in the factory ;
they boarded together Kke members of one family
or firm. This practice was falling into disuse at
Calcutta ; marriages with English women had broken
up the establishment into households. It was still
kept up at the subordinate factories, where the Eng-
lish liyed in greater isolation. The mornings were
deyoted to business. Then followed the mid-day
dinner and the afternoon siesta. In the cool of the
eyening they took the air in palanquins, or sailed on
the riyer in budgerows. They angled for mango
fish, or shot snipe and teal. The eyening wound up
with supper. There were quarrels, scandals, and
controyersies. Possibly there were some excesses.
There was always the show of religion and decorum
which characterised the early half of the eighteenth
century. The Chaplain read prayers eyery morn-
ing, and preached on Sundays. There were interyals
1 The old trade rivalries between English and India manufacturers arc now
forgotten. Between 1780 and 1790 tlie Court of Directors were thrown into
alarm at the superiority of the muslins manufactured by Manchester.
About the same time the calico printers in England were taking alarm
at the improvements in the printing of Indian calicoes imported into England
by the East India Comp;iny. They were petitioning Parliament to prevent
the emigration of artists to India; to prohibit the exportation of plates,
blocks, and materials for the- printing business ; and also to lay such addi-
tional duty upon goods printed in India as would be sufficient to put the
white piece-goods printed iu England ou an equal footing with Indian goods
at foreign markets.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 217
of excitement apart from the daily business. Sliips
brought news from Europe; from the outer pre-
sidencies; from the far-off settlements in China,
Sumatra, Pegu, and other remote quarters. Above
all, every ship that came from Madras brought
tidings of the war between the French and Enghsh
in Southern India — the victories of Clive and
gradual defeat of all the schemes of Dupleix.
The native population at Calcutta lived in the Native nfe,
. Hindu and
same isolated fashion as in the present day. The ^^«iiammadan.
Hindus were not so well off, but then' Hinduism
was more rampant, for as yet they had not profited
by European education or yielded to the influences
of ciAdlisation. They worshipped their household
gods. They made their pujas before the idols in
the pagodas. They sacrificed goats at KaU Grhat.
They celebrated theu' festivals with flags, flowers,
sweetmeats, and sacred readings. They dragged
about their idol cars with shouts of praise and vic-
tory. They bathed in the Ganges with rites and
invocations. They feasted crowds of Bralunans.
They performed their usual ceremonies at births,
deaths, and marriages. They perpetrated horrors
in the name of religion, which have passed away
under the pressure of British rule. The sick and
aged are no longer launched upon the Ganges to
perish in the sacred waters. The living widow has
ceased to mount the pile with her dead husband,
and perish in the flames within sight of the English
settlement. Men no longer swing themselves on
iron hooks to nppease avenging deities. Parents
218 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
no longer sacrifice a cliild to the alligators at
Saugor. The Mussulmans were the same then as
they are now. They went to prayers in the mosque,
celehrated the Muharram, fasted at the Kama-
dhan, and rejoiced at the Eed. They have lost
their political ascendancy, but their religion is
unchanged.
Engiishsupreme Witliiii the Hniits of the Mahratta ditch the
wituin the
^^ds!^* English Governor and Council reigned supreme.
At one time, the Mogliul authorities outside would
have liked to interfere in matters of revenue ; they
never cared much about the administration of
justice. As far as natives were concerned, the
English were free to exercise the j^owers of life and
death. They had nothing to fear from Huglili,
Murshedabad, or Delhi ; and the time had not come
for them to have anything to fear from Westminster
Hall.
Administration Thc administration of justice, wherever English-
of justice
E^giilh ^^^ men are concerned, has always been a matter of
paramount importance. "Wherever there is an
English element, there is a development of English
courts of justice and forms of laAV. In the earlier
history of the English settlements in India, the
Governor exercised a paternal authority as the
accent of the Court of Directors — the local head of
the Company's establishment. In course of time
the authority of the Governor proved insufficient.
The servants of the Comj)any were engaged in
pnvatc trade ; they quarrelled amongst themselves ;
they had causes against natives ; tliey wanted to
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 219
settle their disputes in a court of law. Accordingly
a Mayor's Court was formed at each of the three
English Presidencies, consisting of a Mayor and
nine Aldermen. It decided all civil cases, subject
to an aj)peal to the Governor and Council. It lield
courts of quarter sessions for the trial of all criminal
cases. It might pass a capital sentence ; it could
not inflict a capital punishment without a royal
warrant from England.
The administration of lustice amonsjst the Administration
'' ^ of justice
Hindu population was a very different affair. It ^Ss? ^^^
followed Moghul forms. Under Moghul rule, the
Zemindars administered justice as well as collected
the revenue. Under the English rule at Calcutta,
a sei*vant of the Company was appointed Zemindar ;
he performed the same conflicting duties, revenue
and judicial, as those which were performed under
the Moghul government. The English Zemindar
administered justice after the manner of native
Zemindars. He sentenced offenders to be whipped,
fined, or imprisoned at his own will and pleasure ;
and the punishment was carried out without further
parley. In cases of murder he did not condemn
the murderer to be hanged. Possibly a public
hanging, without judge or jury, might have raised
an outcry amongst the enemies of the Company in
England. Accordingly the Zemindar ordered the
murderer to be whipped; and this sentence was
carried out so severely as to cause the death
of the murderer. But the sentence was never
carried out until it had been confirmed bv the
220 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
President/ Witli the exception of capital cases,
the power of the Zemindar was imhmited. He
condemned thieves and other culprits to work in
chains on the roads. It might be for life ; it might
be for a fixed period. There was no appeal. In civil
cases concerning jiroperty, there was an appeal to
the Governor and Council. Muhammadans do not
appear to have sought redress at the court of the
English Zemindar. Probably they had a Kazi of
their own.
Revenue of the Tlic EuE^lish ZcmindaT also collected the reve-
Calcutta. nues froui the native inhabitants dwelling within
the Company's bounds. A quit-rent of three
rupees was raised from every beega of land be-
longing to the Company which was occupied by
native householders. Duties were levied on all
goods that were carried into Calcutta from .the
1 That a murderer should have been whipped to death under any circuin-
stnnces, by the order of any Englishman, appears incredible. I append the
exact words in Mr. Holwell's letter to the proprietors of East India stock, and
the public : — "Thfi Zemindar acts in a double capacity, distinct, and independ-
ent of each other (with very few exceptions) ; the one a3 Superintendent and
Collector of your revenues j the other as Judge of the Court of Cutcherry, a
tribunal constituted for the hearing, trying, and determining all matters and
things, both civil and criminal, wherein the natives only, subjects of the
Moghul, are concerned. He tried in a summary way, had the power oftheLish,
fine, and imprisonment; he determined all matters of menm and tuum ; and in
all criminal cases proceeded to sentence and punishment immediately after
hearing, except where the crime (as murder) requires the lash to he inflicted
until death, in which case he suspends execution of the sentence until the facts
and evidence are laid before the President, and his confirmation of the sentence
is obtained. He has also the power to condemn thieves and other culprits to work
in chains upon the roads, during any determinate space of time, or for life. In
all causes of property, au appeal lay to the President and Council against his
decrees." — See Holwell's India Tracts, page 120. It should be added that
Mr. Ilolwell filled the post of Zemindar of Calcutta from 1752 uulil 1756,
when Calcutta was captured by Suraj-u-daula.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 221
interior, or out of Calcutta into the interior. Other
taxes were farmed out to natives for yearly block
sums. Some farmers bought the privilege of col-
lecting taxes at certain fixed rates on every article
exposed for sale in the several bazars. Other farmers
bought the monopoly of some trade, such as glass-
making, Vermillion manufacture, ship-caulking,
chest-making, and the manufactm*e of fii'eworks;
and no one could work at any of these callings
without buying the license of the farmer. Others,
again, bought the sole right of selling certain
commodities, such as tobacco, bang, old iron, dam-
mer, and oakum ; and no one else could deal in
these goods without a license from the farmer.
Offenders against any of these monopolies were
punished by fine or imprisonment. One farmer
bought the right to levy a yearly tax of six annas
on everv beast of biu'den. Another bouo^ht a
similar right to levy fees on ferry boats ; — sixteen
cowries on every passenger ; forty cowries for eveiy
parcel of greens; eighty cowi^ies for every cow,
calf, or horse. The fines levied in the Zemindar's
Court formed another source of revenue. There
were also various fees which were paid to the
Zemindar. There was a commission of five per
cent, on all sums recovered by the decree of the
Zemindar; on the sale of all houses, boats, and
sloops ; and on all mortgage bonds registered by
the Zemindar. There was a fee on every new
sloop, varying from fifty rupees to a hundred,
according to the burden ; a fee of four rupees and
222 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
four annas on every slave registered by the pur-
cliaser ; a fee of tlrree rupees from each party on
every mamage; and similar fees, varying in
amount, on arbitration bonds, on re-measurements
of lands in settlement of disputes between house-
holders, and other miscellaneous matters/
Total revenue. The total amouut of rcvcnue collected at
Calcutta in the middle of the last century was
ridiculously small, when compared with the collec-
tion in the present day. In 1876, the municipal
taxation in Calcutta amounts to twenty-six lakhs
of rupees per annum, or about two hundred and
sixty thousand pounds sterling. In 1755, the year
before the capture of Calcutta by Suraj-u-daula, the
whole revenue collected by the English Zemindar
scarcely exceeded a single lakh of rupees, or about
ten or twelve thousand pounds sterling. The proceeds
under each head were often absm'dly small. The
rent-paying lands extended over two thousand acres,
or nearly five thousand five hundi'ed beegas ; the
yearly quit-rent thus amounted to about sixteen
thousand rupees, or less than two thousand pounds.
The bazar duties produced about twelve thousand
rupees per annum ; the glass-making farm about
five hundred rupees; the vermillion farm about
two hundi'ed rupees; the ship-caulking farm
about five hundred rupees ; the tobacco farm about
one hundred and twenty rupees; the bang farm
1 See Holi-ell's clesi)atch, dated 15th December 1752, on the office of the
Zemindary aud state of the Company's revenues. Reprinted in Holwell's Tracts.
Most of the information given hereafter as regards Calcutta is taken either
from HoUvell or from the records in the Home Office.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 223
about seA'enteen hundred rupees ; the chest-maker's
farm about seventy-five rupees ; the dammer and
oakum farm about seven hundred rupees; the
beasts of burden farm about two hundred rupees ; the
ferry-boat farm about one hundred and fifty rupees.
The poverty of the people of Calcutta, and of Gen mi use of
Bengal generally, may be inferred from the fact
that many of the duties were collected in cowries,
wliilst many bazar transactions were in cowries. A
rupee, generally valued at two shillings sterling, is
equal to sixteen annas ; an anna is about equal to
three half -pence, and one anna is also equal to
about three hundi'ed cowries. In the present day
two or three onions may be bought for ten cowries
in the Calcutta bazars ; so may a teaspoonf ul of salt,
or three or four chilhes, or a piece of saifi'on, or a
few herbs. A small handful of rice may be bought
for twenty or thirty cowries.
The police of Calcutta consisted of a native The Kotwai,
force under a Kotwai. The duties of the Kotwai p'°"'«' **
have been compared to those of a Mayor in England
in the olden time. They might be better described
as those of an ordinary superintendent of police,
combined with certain magisterial powers ; but the
working of this branch of the administration is
somewhat obscure. The Kotwai patrolled the
town at night, and maintained peace and order at
all times. The office of Kotwai was a Mussulman
institution.^
1 Madras, as already seen, was originally rented from a Hindu Rajah.
Accordingly, the police duties were performed by a Hindu official, known as
the Pedda Naik.
224 EAIILY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Subordinate From 1750 up to 1756 the Ensrlisli at Calcutta
factories. ■•- "-^
lived in peaceful security. Calcutta continued to
be the head factory and seaport. There were three
or four other factories in the interior, which were
subordinate to Calcutta. On the north-east there
was a factory for the muslin manufactures at Dacca.
On the north-west there was a factory at Cossimbazar
in the neighbourhood of Murshedabad, the capital
of the three provinces. Beyond Cossimbazar there
was another factory at Patna, the capital of Behar.
The water communication ran from Calcutta up the
river Hughli past Cossimbazar and Monghyr to the
city of Patna. Beyond Patna were the cities of Al-
lahabad, Agra, and Delhi ; but they were little known
to the Enghsh. News-letters brought intelligence
from time to time of the revolutions wliich were
transpmng at the court of Delhi, or the intrigues
and assassinations that were carried on at Miu'shed-
abad during the dechning years of Ahverdi Khan.
But these were only matters of interest so far as
they were likely to interfere with the ordinary
course of trade in Bengal and Behar.
chRnjrcsin About this period, the Company ordered a
the Iransaction .
of business : chans^c to be made m the mode or caiTviuEc on
abolinon of o t' O
oS^nT"'' business in India. Prior to 1753, it had been the
custom for the Company's servants to procure piece-
goods and other native manufactures through native
merchants by regular contracts. Amongst all the
Calcutta merchants, the most wealthy and influ-
ential was a nindu named Omichund. This man
had devoted himself during forty years to the
CALCUTTA ADN ITS CAPTURE. 225
accumulation of riches. His fortune was estimated
at four millions of rupees, or more than four hun-
dred thousand pounds sterling. His house was di-
vided into various departments like a palace. His
retinue of armed men resembled that of a prince
rather than that of a merchant. He traded all
over Bengal and Behar. He established so great
an influence at the cornet of Murshedabad by
presents and services, that he proved a useful
mediator to the English President and Council at
Calcutta in all times of difficulty. The conse-
quence was, that Omichund was largely employed
by the English at Calcutta. He provided more of
the Company's investments than any other con-
tractor ; but he took advantage of his position to
increase his profits. Eor years, the manufactures
he supplied deteriorated in quality and increased in
price. Accordingly, in 1753, the Company aban-
doned the system of dealing with native merchants.
They sent Gomastas, or native agents, to provide
investments at the different cloth markets in the
provinces, which were known by the name of
Aurungs. The result was, that Omichund lost a
lucrative branch of his business, and was vexed
beyond measure. Subsequently, he was suspected
of being mixed up with the misfortunes that ulti-
mately befel Calcutta ; but the nature and extent
of his intrigues have never been fully ascertained.
In April 1756 Aliverdi died, and was succeeded suraj-u-dauia,
by a grandson, the notorious Suraj-u-daula. The
young Nawab is described by European and native
p
226 EARLY RECORDS OP BRITISH INDIA.
authorities as eveiything that is bad. Above all,
he hated the English with all the virulence of a
young prince invested with despotic power, and
utterly ignorant of European nations. The story
of liis proceedings has become nearly obsolete.
It will suffice to say tlrnt his wrath against the
English was stirred up by a variety of causes.
Another war was expected between Great Britain
and Prance ; and he was told that the English at
Calcutta were strengthening those fortifications in
order to fight the Erench at Chandernagore. He
had reason to be offended with some people at his
court ; and they had gone to Calcutta, and thence
escaped his vengeance. But rapacity seems to have
been his ruling motive. He had formed exaggerated
notions of the wealth of Calcutta ; and no doubt
tales were told of the riches of the English, as ex-
travagant as the thousand and one stories of the
Arabian Nights, and as unreal as the fabled trea-
sures of ancient Maharajas.
EnpVish ficto^ In the first instance the young Nawab vented
at"^o'Li.nbaza>. j^-^ ^^^,^^j^ ^^ ^^^ EugUsh factory at Cosshnbazar, in
the immediate neighbourhood of his capital at
Murshedabad. He surrounded the English fac-
tory at Cossimbazar with Ms soldiers, jilundered
it of all its money and goods, and threw the
English traders into prison. In June 1756, he
marched against Calcutta Avith an army of fifty
thousand men, and a train of artillery.
Capture of Thc Eugllsh at Calcutta were a mere handful
Calcutta. '^
of men; there were scarcely five hundred men.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 227
including mixed races, in all the settlement ; of
these, only a hundred and seventy were Euro-
pean soldiers, and scarcely ten of these soldiers
had seen any service beyond parade. The lighting
began on Wednesday, the fifteenth of June. On
Saturday, the vf omen were carried to the ships, and
many of the English escaped at the same time,
including Mr. Drake, the Governor. The remain-
der surrendered to the Nawab on Sunday afternoon.
The story of what followed aroused the horror Hoiweirs-
narrative of the
of Europe. The prisoners, to the number of a ^u^/^t^liofe.*''^
hundred and forty-six, were assembled in a verandah,
which had been built in the front of the barracks
for the convenience of the European soldiers. At
one end of the barracks was the common dungeon
of the garrison, known as the Black Hole. The
story of what followed is best told by Mr. Holwell,
one of the English prisoners who smwived the
night. In the absence of Mr. Drake, Mr. Holwell
had been treated as the Acting Governor. This
narrative tells his own personal experiences as well
as what he saw of the sufiferings of others. It
was written as a letter to a friend, and is given
almost word for word^ : —
"The confusion which the late capture of the East India Difficulty in
Company's settlements in Beng-al must necessarily excite in Tarratfye/
the city of London, will, I fear, be not a little heightened by
the miserable deaths of the greatest part of those gentlemen,
who were reduced to the sad necessity of surrendering them-
selves prisoners at discretion in Fort William.
* " Letter from J. L. Holwell, Esq., to William Dnvis, Esq., from on board
the Syren sloop, the 28th of February 1757." — Printed in HoIweH'a Tracts.
228 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Importance of " By naiTatives made public, jou will ouly know that of
narrative, one hundred aud forty-six prisoners, one hundred and twenty-
three were smothered in the Black Hole prison, in the night
of the 20th of June, 1756. Few survived capable of giving-
any detail of the manner in which it happened; and of these
I believe none have attempted it. For my own part, I have
often sat down with this resolution, and as often relinquished
the melancholy task, not only from the disturbance and
affliction it raised afresh in ray remembrance, but from the
consideration of the impossibility of finding language capable
of raising an adequate idea of the horrors of the scene I
essayed to draw. But as I believe the annals of the world
cannot produce an incident like it in any degree or propor-
tion to all the dismal circumstances attending it, and as my
own health of body and peace of mind are once again, in u
great measure, recovered from the injuries they suffered from
that fatal nigiit, I cannot allow it to be buried in oblivion;
though still conscious that, however high the colouring ray
retentive memory may supply, it will fall infinitely short of
the horrors accompanying this scene. These defects must,
and I doubt not will, be assisted by your own humane and
benevolent imagination ; in the exercise of which I never
knew you deficient where unmerited distress was the object.
Tranquillity oi " Tlic sca-air has already had that salutary effect on my
vo'yage'to ' coustitutiou I cxpccted ; and my mind enjoys a calm it has
"^''" ■ been many months a stranger to, strengthened by a clear
cheerful sky and atmosphere, joined to an unusual pleasant
gale, with which we are passing the equinoctial. I can now,
therefore, look back with less agitation on the dreadful night
I am going to describe; and with a grateful heart sincerely
acknowledge, and deeply revere, that Providence which alone
could have preserved me through that and all my succeeding
suffeiings and hazards.
Slate of the <' JBefore I conduct you into the Black Hole, it is necessary
prisoners on tlie •' 'J
capture,* '^''"' ^'^^^ should be acquainted with a few introductory circum-
stances. The Nawab and his troops were in possession of the
Fort before six in the evening. I had in all three interviews
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 221)
with him : the last in Duihaii before seven, wlien he repeated
his assurances to me, on the loonl of a soldier, that no harm
should come to us ; and indeed I believe his orders were only
general. That we should for that night be secured ; and that
what followed was the result of revenge and resentment in the
breasts of the lower Jemadars/ to whose custody we were
delivered, for the number of their order killed during the siege.
Be this as it may, as soon as it was dark, we were all, without
distinction, directed by the guard over us, to collect ourselves
into one body, and sit down quietly under the arched veranda
or piazza, to the west of the Black Hole prison, and the bar-
racks to the left of the court of guard ; and just over against
the windows of the governor's easterly apartments. Besides
the guard over us, another was placed at the foot of the
stairs at the south end of this veranda, leading up to the
south-east bastion, to prevent any of us escaping that way.
On the parade (where you will remember the two twenty-
four pounders stood) were also drawn up about four or five
hundred gun-men with lighted matches.
" At this time the factory was in flames to the right and left Factory in
of us ; to the right the armory and laboratory ; to the left the
carpenter's yard : though at this time we imagined it was the
Company's cloth warehouses. Various were our conjectures
on this appearance ; the fire advanced with rapidity on both
sides; and it was the prevailing opinion that they intended
suffocating us between the two fires : and this notion was
confirmed by the appearance, about half an hour past sevien,
of some officers and people with lighted torches in their
hands, who went into all the apartments under the eastei-ly
curtain to the right of us; to which we apprehended they
were setting fire, to expedite their scheme of burning us.
On this we presently came to a resolution of rushing on the
guard, seizing their scimitars, and attacking the troops upon
the parade, rather than be thus tamely roasted to death.
But to be satisfied of their intentions, I advanced, at the
1 The Durbar was the Assembly of the chief meu at Court.
- An officer of the rank of Sergrcant.
230 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
request of Messrs. Baillie, Jenks and Revely, to see if they
were really setting fire to the apartments, and found the
contrary ; for in fact, as it appeared afterwards, they were
only searching' for a place to confine us in ; the last they
examined being the barracks of the court of guard behind us.
Bravery of " Here I must detain you a little, to do honour to tlie
memory of a man to whom I had in many instances been
a friend, and who, on this occasion, demonstrated his sen-
sibility of it in a degree worthy of a much higher rank. His
name was Leech, the Company^s smith, as well as clerk of
the parish ; this man had made his escape when the Moghuls
entered the Fort, and returned just as it was dark, to tell me
he had provided a boat, and would ensure my escape, if I
would follow him through a passage few were acquainted
with, and by which he had then entered. (This might easily
have been accomplished, as the guard put over us took but
very slight notice of us.) I thanked him in the best terms
I was able ; but told him it was a step I could not prevail
on myself to take, as I should thereby very ill repay the
attachment the gentlemen and the garrison had shewn to me ;
and that I was resolved to share their fate, be it what it
would : but pressed him to secure his own escape without loss
of time ; to which he gallantly replied that " then he was
resolved to share mine, and would not leave me.'^
Prisoners driven " 'To my Self and the world I should surely have stood
ilarracksH'nto cxcuscd iu embracing the overture above-mentioaed, could 1
the Black Hole, j^^^^ conceived what immediately followed ; for I had scarce
time to make him an answer, before we observed part of the
guard drawn up on the parade, advance to us with the officers
who had been viewing the rooms. They ordered us all to
rise and go into the barracks to the left of the court of guard.
The barracks, you may remember, have a large wooden plat-
form for the soldiers to sleep on, and are open to the west by
arches and a small pai*apet-wall, corresponding to the ai-ches of
the veranda without. In we went most readily, and were
pleasing ourselves with the prospect of passing a comfortable
night on the platform, little dreaming of the infernal apart-
ment in reserve for us. For we were no sooner all within the
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 231
barracks, than the guard advanced to tlie inner arches and
parapet-wall; and, with their muskets presented, ordered
us to go into the room at the southernmost end of the barracks,
commonly called the Black Hole prison; whilst others from
the Court of Guard, with clubs and drawn scimitars, pressed
upon those of us next to them. This stroke was so sudden,
so unexpected, and the throng and pressure so great upon us
next the door of the Black Hole prison, there was no resisting
it; but like one agitated wave impelling another, we were
obliged to give way and enter ; the rest followed like a
torrent, few amongst us, the soldiers excepted, having the
least idea of the dimensions or nature of a place we had
never seen : for if we had, we should at all events have rushed
upon the guard, and been, as the lesser evil, by our own choice
cut to pieces.
"Amongst the first that entered were myself, Messrs. Eight o'clock.
Baillie, Jeuks, Cooke, T. Coles, Ensign Scot, Revely, Law,
Buchanan, and others. I got possession of the window nearest
the door, and took Messrs. Coles and Scot into the window
with me, they being both wounded (the first I believe mor-
tall}-). The rest of the above-mentioned gentlemen were close
round me. It was now about eight o'clock.
" Figure to yourself, my friend, if possible, the situation of The situation.
a hundred and forty-six wretches, exhausted by continual
fatigue and action, thus crammed together in a cube of about
eighteen feet, in a close sultry night, in Bengal, shut up to
the eastward and southward (the only quarters from whence
air could reach us) by dead walls, and by a wall and door
to the north, open only to the westward by two windows,
strongly barred with iron, from which we could receive
scarce any the least circulation of fresh air.
*^ What must ensue appeared to me in lively and dreadful Despair.
colours, the instant I cast my eyes round, and saw the size
and situation of the room. Many unsuccessful attempts
were made to force the door; for having nothing but our
hands to work with, and the dooi opening inward, all eii^
deavours were vain and fruitless.
2S2
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Necessity for
traoquillity.
Fearful
prospect.
Bribing the
Jemadar : the
Nawab asleep.
" Observing every one giving way to the violence of pas-
sions, which I foresaw must be fatal to them, I requested
silence might be preserved, whilst I spoke to them, and in
the most pathetic and moving terms which occurred I
beo-ged and intreated that as they had paid a ready obedience
to me in the day, they would now for their own sakes, and
the sakes of those who were dear to them and were interested
in the preservation of their lives, regard the advice I had
to give them. I assured them the return of day would give
us air and liberty ; urged to them that the only chance wo
had left for sustaining this misfortune and surviving the
night was the preserving a calm mind and quiet resigna-
tion to our fate ; intreating them to curb, as much as pos-
sible, every agitation of mind and body, as raving and
giving a loose to their passions could answer no pm'pose,
but that of hastening their destruction.
" This remonstrance produced a short interval of peace, and
gave me a few minutes for reflection : though even this pause
was not a little disturbed by the cries and groans of the
manv wounded, and more particularly of my two companions
in the window. Death, attended with the most cruel train
of circumstances, I plainly perceived must prove our inevit-
able destiny. I had seen this common migration in too
many shapes, and accustomed myself to think on the sub-
ject with too much propriety to be alarmed at the prospect,
and indeed felt much more for my wretched companions than
myself.
" Amongst the guards posted at the windows, I observed
an old Jemadar near me, who seemed to carry some com -
passion for us in his countenance; and indeed he was the
only one of the many in his station who discovered the least
trace of humanity. I called him to me, and in the most
persuasive terms I was capable, urged him to commise rate the
sufferings he was a witness to, and pressed him to endeavour
to get us separated, half in one place, and half in another;
and that he should in the morning receive a thousand rup ees
for this act of tenderness. He prom ised he would attempt it,
and withdrew; but in a few minutes returned, and told me
CALCUTTA AXD ITS CAPTURE. 233
it was impossible. I then thougLt I liad been deficient in rny
offer, and promised him two thousand. He withdrew a
second time, but returned soon, and (with, I believe, much
real pity and concern) told me it was not practicable ; that
it could not be done but by the Nawab's order, and that no
one dared awake him.
" During" this interval, though their passions were less perspiration.
violent, their uneasiness increased. We had been but few
minutes confined before every one fell into a perspiration so
profuse you can form no idea of it. This consequently
brought on a raging thirst, which still increased, in propor-
tion as the body was drained of its moisture.
" Various expedients were thought of to give more room Expedients for
and air. To obtain the former, it was moved to put off their
clothes. This was approved as a happy motion, and in a
few minutes I believe every man w^as stripped (myself,
Mr. Court, and the two wounded young gentlemen by me
excepted). For a little time they flattered themselves with
having gained a mighty advantage; every hat was put in
motion to produce a circulation of air; and Mr. Baillie pro-
posed that every man should sit down on his hams. As they
were truly in the situation of drowning wretches, no w^onder
they caught at eveiy thing that bore a flattering appearance
of saving them. This expedient was several times put in
practice, and at each time many of the poor creatures, whose
natural strength was less than others, or had been more
exhausted, and could not immediately recover their legs, as
others did, when the word was given to rise, fell to rise no
more ; for they were instantly trod to deaih, or suffocated.
When the w^hole body sat down, they were so closely wedged
together that they were obliged to use many efforts before
they could put themselves in motion to get up again.
** Before nine o'clock every man's thirst grew intolerable, Nino o'clock.
and respiration difficult. Our situation was much more
wretched than that of so many miserable animals in an ex-
hausted receiver ; no circulation of fresh air sufficient to
continue life, nor yet enough divested of its vivifying par-
ticles to put a speedy period to it.
234
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Effluvia.
■Water.
Sad results.
"Efforts were ag-ain made to force the door, but in vain.
Many insults were used to the guard, to provoke them to fire
in upon us (which, as I learned afterwards, were carried to
much greater leng'ths, when I was no more sensible of what
was transacted). For my own part, I hitherto felt little pain
or uneasiness, but what resulted from my anxiety for the
sufBerings of those within. By keeping my face between two
of the bars, I obtained air enough to give my lungs easy play,
though my perspiration was excessive, and thirst commenc-
ing. At this period, so strong a volatile effluvia came from
the prison that I was not able to turn my head that way
for more than a few seconds of time.
" Now every body, excepting those situated in and near the
window, began to grow outrageous, and many delirious ;
WATER, WATER, became the general cry. And the old Jema-
dar, before mentioned, taking pity on us, ordered the people
to bring some skins of water, little dreaming, I believe, of
its fatal effects. This was what I dreaded. I foresaw it
would prove the ruin of the small chance left us, and essayed
many times to speak to him privately to forbid its being
brought; but the clamour was so loud it became impossible.
The water appeared. "Words cannot paint to you the univer-
sal agitation and raving the sight of it threw us into. I had
flattered myself that some, by preserving an equal temper
of mind, might outlive the night ; but now the reflection
which gave me the greatest pain, was, that I saw no possibi-
lity of one escaping to tell the dismal tale.
" Until the water came, I had myself not suffered much
from thirst, which instantly grew excessive. Me had no
means of conveying it into the prison, but by hats forced
through the bars ; and thus myself, and Messrs. Coles and
Scot (notwithstanding the pains they suffered from their
wounds) supplied them as fast as possible. But those who
have experienced intense thirst, or are acquainted with the
cause and nature of this appetite, will be sufficiently sensible
it could receive no more than a momentar}' alleviation ; the
cause still subsisted. Though we brought full hats within the
bars, there ensued such violent struggles, and frequent contests.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 235
to get at it, that before it readied the lips of any one, there
would be scarcel}' a small tea-cup full left in them. These
supplies, like spriukling water on fire, ouly served to feed and
i*aise the flame.
" Oh ! my dear Sir, how shall I give you a conception of Ravines.
what I felt at the cries and ravings of those in the remoter
parts of the prison, who could not entertain a probable hope
of obtaining a drop, yet could not divest themselves of ex-
pectation, however unavailing ! And others calling on me by
the tender considerations of friendship and affection, and who
knew they were really dear to me. Think, if possible, what
my heart must have suffered at seeiug and hearing their
distress, without having it in my power to relieve them ; for
the confusion now became general and horrid. Several
quitted the other window (the ouly chance they had for life)
to force their way to the water, and the throng and press
upon the window was beyond bearing ; many forcing their
passage from the further part of the room, pressed down those
in their way, who had less strength, and trampled them to
death.
" Can it gain belief, that this scene of misery proved enter- Diversion of the
tainment to the brutal wretches without ? But so it was ;
and they took care to keep us supplied with water, that they
might have the satisfaction of seeing us fight for it, as they
phrased it, and held up lights to the bars, that they might
lose no part of the inhuman diversion.
''From about nine to near eleven, I sustained this cruel Eleven o'clock,
scene and painful situation, still supplying them with water,
though my legs were almost broke with the weight against
them. By this time I myself was very near pressed to
death, and my two companions, with Mr. William Parker
(who had forced himself into the window), were really so.
*' For a great while they preserved a respect and regard to Rank and
me, more than indeed I could well expect, our circumstances forgotten.
considered ; but now all distinction was lost. My friend
Baillie, Messrs. Jenks, Revely, Law, Buchanan, Simson, and
several others, for whom I had a real esteem and affection,
236
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Centre of the
Black Hole.
Tlie platforni.
Death of
Mr. ivy re.
Insupportable
thirst.
liar] for some time been dead at my feet, and were now
trampled upon by every corporal or common soldier, -who,
by the help of more robust constitutions, had forced their
way to the window, and held fast by the bars over me, till
at last I became so pressed and wedg-ed up, I was deprived of
all motion.
"Determined now to g-ive every thing- up, I called to tliem,
and begged, as the last instance of their regard, they would
remove the pressure upon me, and permit me to retire out of
the window to die in quiet. They gave way; and with much
difficulty I forced a passage into the centre of the prison, where
the throng was less by the many dead (then I believe amount-
ing to one-third) and the numbers who flocked to the windows ;
for by this time they had water also at the other window.
''In the Black Hole there is a platform' corresponding
with that in the barracks : I travelled over the dead, and
repaired to the further end of it, just opposite the other
window, and seated myself on the platform between Mr.
Dumbleton and Capt. Stevenson, the former just then ex-
])iriug. I was still happy in the same calmness of mind
I had preserved the whole time ; death I expected as unavoid-
able, and only lamented its slow approach, though the moment
I quitted the window, my breathing grew short and painful.
" Here my poor friend Mr. Edward Eyre came staggering
over the dead to me, and with iiis usual coolness and good-
nature, asked me how I did ! but fell and expired before I had
time to make him a reply. I laid myself down on some of
the dead behind me, on the platform ; and recommending
myself to heaven, had the comfort of thinking my sufferings
could have no long duration.
" My thirst grew now insupportable, and difficulty of
breathing much increased ; and 1 had not remained in this
situation, I believe, ten minutes, when I was seized with a
1 This platform was raised botween three and fotir feet from the floor, open
underneath : it extended the whole length of the east side of the prison, and
was above six feet wide.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 237
pain in my breast, and palpitation of my heait, both to the
most exquisite degree. These roused and obliged me to get
up again ; but still the palpitation, thirst, and difficulty of
breatliing increased. I retained my senses notwithstanding,
and had the grief to see death not so near me as I hoped j
but could no longer bear the pains I suffered without attempt-
ing a relief, whicli I knew fresh air would and could only
give me. I instantly determined to push for the window
opposite to me ; and by an effort of double the strength I evtn-
before possessed, gained the third rank at it, with one hand
seized a bar, and by that means gained the second, tliough
I think there were at least six or seven ranks between me and
the window.
''In a few moments my pain, palpitation and difficulty of Thirst increased
: . . by water
breathing ceased ; but my thirst continued intolerable. I called
aloud for " water foii Gop's sake:" had been concluded dead;
but as soon as they heard me among-st them, they had still the
respect and tenderness for me, to cry out, " Give him water,
Give him water \" nor would one of them at the window attempt
to touch it until I had drank. But from the water I found no
relief; my thirst was rather increased by it; so I determined
to drink no more, but patiently wait the event; and kept my
mouth moist from time to time by sucking- the perspiration strange refreah-
out of my shiit-sleeves, and catching the drops as they fell,
like heavy rain from my head and face : you can hardly ima-
gine how unhappy I was if any of them escaped my mouth.
'' 1 came into the prison without coat or waistcoat; the
season was too hot to bear the former, and the latter tempted
the avarice of one of the guards, who robbed me of it when
we were under the veranda. Whilst I was at this second
window, I was observed by one of my miserable companions
oil the right of me in the expedient of allaying my thirst by
sucking" my shirt-sleeve. He took the hint, and robbed me
from time to time of a considerable part of my store.
This plunderer, I found afterwards, was a worthy young
gentleman in the service, Mr. Lushington, one of the few
who escaped from death.
238 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
I mention this incident, as I think nothing can give you a
more lively idea of the melancholy state and distress we were
reduced to.
iMirium. '^ By half an hour past eleven the much greater number
of those living were in an outrageous delirium, and the
others quite ungovernable ; few retaining any calmness but
the ranks next the windows. By what I had felt myself,
I was fully sensible what those within suffered j but had only
pity to bestow upon them, not then thinking how soon I
should myself become a greater object of it.
Suffoeatiun. (< They all now found that water, instead of relieving, rather
heightened their uneasinesses ; and, Am, Air, was the general
cry. Every insult that could be devised against the guard, all
the opprobrious names and abuse that the Nawab of Bengal,
or the new native Governor of Calcutta,^ could be loaded
with, were repeated to provoke the guard to lire upon us,
every man that could, rushing tumultuously towards the
windows with eager hopes of meeting the first shot. Tiien
a general prayer to heaven, to hasten the approach of the
flames to the right and left of us, and put a period to our
misery. But these failing, they whose sti'eugth and spirits
were quite exhausted, laid themselves down and expired quietly
upon their fellows : others who had yet some strength and
vigour left, made a last effort for the windows, and several
succeeded by leaping and scrambling over the backs and
heads of those in the first ranks ; and got hold of the bars,
from which there was no removing them. Many to the
right and left sunk with the violent pressure, and were soon
suffocated ; for now a steam arose from the living and the
dead, which affected us in all its circumstances, as if we were
foi'cibly held with our heads over a bowl full of strong volatile
spirit of hartshorn, until suffocated ; nor could the eflluvia of
the one be distinguished from the other, and frequently,
when I was forced by the load upon my head and shoulders,
to hold my face down, I was obliged, near as I was to the
window, instantly to raise it again to escape sufibcation.
' Uaja Moiiikchuiid, appoiuted by the Nawab to be Governor of Calcutta.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 239
'' I ueeil not, mv dear friend, ask your commiseration, wbeu Haif-past eleven
. . 1 . 1 ^ IIP 1 J ^ till two o'clock
I tell you that in this plight, from hair an hour past eleven in the morning.
till near . two in the morning, I sustained the weight of a
heavy man, with his knees on my back, and the pressure of his
whole body on my head. A Dutch serjeant, who had taken his
seat upon my left shoulder, and a black christian soldier bear-
ing on my right ; all which nothing could have enabled me long
to support, but the props and- pressure equally sustaining me
all around. The two latter I frequently dislodged, by shift-
ing my hold on the bars, and driving my knuckles into their
ribs ; but my friend above stuck fast, and as he held by two
bars, was immoveable.
" When I had bore this conflict above an hour, with a train Suiddai tempta-
of wretched reflections, and seeing no glimpse of hope on
which to found a prospect of relief, my spirits, resolution, and
every sentiment of religion gave way. I found I was unable
much longer to support this trial, and could not bear the
dreadful thoughts of retiring into the inner part of the prison,
where I had before suffered so much. Some infernal spirit,
taking the advantage of this period, brought to my remem-
brance my having a small clasp penknife in my pocket_, with
which I determined instantly to open my arteries, and finish
a system no longer to be borne. I had got it out, when
heaven interposed, and restored me to fresh spirits and resolu-
tion, with an abhorrence, of the act of cowardice I was just
going to commit : I exerted anew my strength and for-
titude ; but the repeated trials and efi'orts I made to dislodge
the insufferable incumbrances upon me at last quite exhausted
me, and towards two o"* clock, finding I must quit the window,
or sink where I was, I resolved on the former, having bore,
truly for the sake of others, infinitely more for life than the
best of it is worth.
" In the rank close behind me was an officer of one of the Mr and Mrs.
ships, whose name was Carey, who had behaved with much
bravery during the siege (his wife, a fine woman though
country-born, would not quit him, but accompanied him into
the prison, and was one who survived). This poor wretch
240
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Death of Mr.
Carey.
Stupor.
Loss of
EeiisatioD,
Interval of
unconsciousnefs.
liad been long- raving for water and air; I told him I was
determined to give up life, and recommended his gaining my
station. On my quitting, he made a fruitless attempt to get
my place ; but the Dutch seijeant who sat on my shoulder
supplanted him.
" Poor Carey expressed his thankfulness, and said he would
give up life too; but it was with the utmost labour we forced
o.ur way from the window (severnl in the inner ranks aj^pear-
iug to me dead standing'). He laid himself down to die :
and his death, I believe, was very sudden ; for he was a short,
full, sanguine man : his strength was great, and I imagine,
had he not retired with me, I should never have been able to
have forced my way.
" I was at this time sensible of no pain and little uneasi-
ness : I can give you no better idea of my situation than by
repeating my simile of the bowl of spirit of hartshorn. I
found a stupor coming on apace, and laid myself down by
that gallant old man, the Reverend Mr. Jervas Bellamy, who
lay dead with his son the lieutenant, haiid-iu-hand, near the
southernmost wall of the prison.
" When I had lain there some little time, I still had
reflection enough to suffer some uneasiness in the thought,
that I should be trampled upon, when dead, as I myself had
done to others. With some difllculty I raised myself, and
gained the platform a second time, where I presently lost all
sensation : the last trace of sensibility that I have been able
to recollect after my lying down, was my sash being uneasy
about my waist, which I untied and threw from me.
" Of what pafcsed in this interval to the time of my resur-
rection from this hole of horrors, I can give you no account •
and indeed, the particulars mentioned by some of the gentle-
men who survived (solely by the number of those dead, by
which they gained a freer accession of air, and approach to
the windows) were so excessively absurd and contradictory
as to convince me very few of them retained their senses ; or
' Unable to fall by tbc throng anil equal incssme round.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 2^1
at least, lost them soon after they came into the open air, by
the fever they carried out with them.
'* In my own escape from absolute death the hand of heaven Carried to lUo
was manifestly exerted : the manner take as follows : When
the day broke, and the gentlemen found that no intreaties
could prevail to get the door opened, it occurred to one of
them (I think to Mr. Secretary Cooke), to make a search for
me, in hopes I might have influence enough to gain a release ,
from this scene of misery. Accordingly Messrs. Lushiugton
and Walcot undertook the search, and by my shirt discovered
me under the dead upon the platform. They took me from
thence ; and imagining I had some signs of life, brought me
towards the window I had first possession of.
" But as life was equally dear to every man (and the stench Recovery of
ansmg trom the dead bodies was grown intolerable) no one
would give up his station in or near the window : so they
were obliged to carry me back again. But soon after Cap*
tain Mills (now captain of the Company's yacht), who was in
possession of a seat in the window, had the humanity to offer
to resign it. I was again brought by the same gentlemen, ,
and placed in the window.
" At this juncture the Nawab, who had received an account Release
of the havock death had made amongst us, sent one of his
Jemadars to inquire if the Chief survived. They shewed
me to him : told him I had appearance of life remaining, and
believed I might recover if the door was opened very soon.
This answer being returned to the Nawab, an order came
immediately for our release, it being then near six in the
morning.
*^ The fresh air at the window soon brought me to life ; and Restoratio.
a few minutes after the departure of the Jemadar, I was
restored to my sight and senses. But oh ! Sir, what words
shall I adopt to tell you the whole that my soul suffered at
reviewing the dreadful destruction round me ? I will not
attempt it ; and indeed, tears (a tribute I believe I shall
ever pay to the remembrance of this scene, and to the
memory of those brave and valuable men) stop my pen.
Q
242 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Slow opening *' Tlie little strength remaiuing amongst the most robust
who survived made it a difficult task to remove the dead piled
up against the door; so that I believe it was more than
twenty minutes before we obtained a passage out for one at a
time.
Demands of the " I had soon rcason to be couvinced the particular inquiry
hiadeu treasure, made after me did not result from any dictate of favour,
humanity, or contrition ; when I came out, I found myself in
a high putrid fever, and, not being able to stand, threw
myself on the wet grass without the veranda, when a mes-
sage was brought me, signifying I must immediately attend
the Nawab. Not being capable of walking, they were obliged
to support me under each arm ; and on the way, one of the
Jemadars told me, as a friend, to make a full confession
where the treasure was buried in the Fort, or that in half an
hour I should be shot off from the mouth of a cannon.* The
intimation gave me no manner of concern ; for, at that junc-
ture, I should have esteemed death the greatest favour the
tyrant could have bestowed upon me.
Callous Nawai% " Being brought into his presence, the Nawab soon observed
the wretched plight I was in, and ordered a large folio volume,
which lay on a heap of plunder, to be brought for me to sit
on. I endeavoured two or three times to speak, but my
tongue was dry and without motion. He ordered me water.
As soon as I got speech, I began to recount the dismal
catastrophe of my miserable companions. But he stopped me
short, with telling me, he was well informed of great treasure
being buried or secreted in the Fort, and that I was privy to
it ; and if I expected favour, I must discover it.
Nawab incxora- " I urged every thing I could to convince him there was
no truth in the information ; or that if any such thing had
been done, it was without my knowledge. I reminded him
of his repeated assurance to me, the day before; but he
resu^med the subject of the treasure, and all I could say
seemed to gain no credit with him. I was ordered prisoner
under the General of the Household Troops.
* A sentence of dentb coniiuon iu Hiudostan.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTUEE. 243
*^ Amongst the guard wliicli carried me from the Nawab, severe treat-
one bore a large Mahratta battle-axe, which gave rise, 1
imagine, to Mr. Secretary Cooker's belief and report to the
fleet, that he saw me carried out, with the edge of the axe to-
wards me, to have my head struck off. This I believe is the
only account you will have of me, until I bring you a better
myself. But to resume my subject : I was ordered to the
camp of the GeneraFs quarters, within the outward ditch,
something short of Omichund's garden (which you know
is above three miles from the Fort) and with me Messieurs
Court, Walcot, and Burdet. The rest, who survived the fatal
night, gained their liberty, except Mrs. Carey, who was too
young and handsome. The dead bodies were promiscuously
thrown into the ditch of our unfinished ravelin, and covered
with the earth.
** My being treated with this severity, I have sufficient Reason for the
m IIP 1 p n • mi Nawab's cruelty,
reason to ainrm, proceeded from the following causes. The
Nawab's resentment for my defending the Fort, after the Gov-
ernor, &c., had abandoned it ; his prepossession touching the
treasure ; and thirdly, the instigations of Omichund ^ in re-
sentment for my not releasing iiim out of prison, as soon as I
had the command of the Fort : a circumstance, which in the
heat and hurry of action, never once occurred to me, or I had
certainly done it; because I thought his imprisonment unjust.
But that the hard treatment I met with, may truly be attri-
buted in a great measure to his suggestion and insinuations,
I am well assured, from the whole of his subsequent conduct ;
and this further confirmed to me, in the three gentlemen
selected to be my companions, against each of whom he had
conceived particular resentment; and you know Omichund
can never forgive.
*' We were conveyed in a hackery' to the camp the 21st of Further euflfer.
June, in the morning, and soon loaded with fetters, and
stowed all four in a seapoy's tent, about four feet long, three
wide, and about three high ; so that we were half in, half out,
' A great Hindu merchant of Calcutta.
- A coach diawu by oxeu=
ingg.
244
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Iron fetters.
Embark for
Murshedabad.
Sufferings on the
voyage.
Poor diet a pre-
sarvaliou.
All night it rained severely. Dismal as this was, it appeared
a paradise compared with our lodging the preceding night.
Here I became covered from head to foot with large painful
boils, the first symptom of my recovery ;, for until these
appeared, my fever did not leave me.
" On the morning of the 22nd, they marched us to town
in our fetters, under the scorching beams of an intense hot
Bun, and lodged us at the dock-head in the open small
veranda, fronting the river, where we had a strong guard
over us. Here the other gentlemen broke out likewise in
boils all over their bodies (a happy circumstance, which, as
I afterwards learned, attended every one who came out of the
Black Hole).
'' On our arrival at this place, we soon were given to under-
stand, we should be embarked for Murshedabad/ where I think
you have never been ; and since I have brought you thus far,
you may as well take this trip with us likewise. I have
much leisure on my hands at present ; and, you know, you
may chuse your leisure for perusal.
" We set out on our travels from the dock-head the 24th
in the afternoon, and were embarked on a large boat
containing part of the plunder. She bulged ashore a little
after we set off, and broke one of her floor timbers : however,
they pushed on, though she made so much water she could
hardly swim. Our bedstead and bedding were a platform of
loose unequal bamboos laid on the bottom timbers : so that
when they had been negligent in bailing, we frequently
waked with half of us in the water. We had hardly any
clothes to our bodies, and nothing but a bit or two of old
gunny-bag, which we begged at the dock-head to defend
us from the sun, rains, and dews. Our food only rice, and
the water along-side, which, you know, is neither very clean,
nor very palatable, in the rains; but there was enough of it
without scrambling.
" In short. Sir, though our distresses in this situation,
covered with tormenting boils, and loaded with irons, will be
' The c:ii)itiil of Bengal.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 245
thouo-ht, and doubtless were, very deplorable, yet the grate-
ful consideration of our being so providentially a remnant of
the saved, made every thing" else appear light to us. Our
rice-and-water diet, designed as a grievance to us, was cer-
tainly our preservation ; for, could we (circumstanced as we
were) have indulged in flesh and wine, we had died beyond
all doubt.
" When we arrived at Hughly Fort, I wrote a short letter Application to
to Governor Bisdom (by means of a pencil and blank leaf of chinsura.
a volume of Archbishop Tillotson's sermons given us by one
of our guard, part of this plunder) advising him of our
miserable plight. He had the humanity to dispatch three
several boats after us, with fresh provisions, liquors, clothes,
and money; neither of which reached us. But, 'Whatever is,
is right.' Our rice and water were more salutary and proper
for us.
" Matters ridiculous and droll abundantly occurred in the Ridicuious
course of our trip. But these I will postpone for a personal
recital, that I may laugh with you, and will only mention^
that my hands alone being free from imposthumes, I was
obliged for some time to turn nurse, and feed my poor dis-
tressed companions.
" When we came opposite to Santipore, they found the Refractory
-, n ^ p P Zemindar.
boat would not be able to proceed further, for want or
water in the river ; and one of the guard was sent ashore to
demand of the Zemindar i of that district light boats to
carry prisoners of State under their charge to Murshedabad.
The Zemindar, giving no credit to the fellow, mustered his
guard of pykes, beat him, and drove him away.
"This, on the return of the messenger, raised a most Attack on the
■r-vTT 111- ^ J Zemindar.
furious combustion. Our Jemadar ordered his people to
arms, and the resolution was to take the Zemindar and carry
him bound a prisoner to Murshedabad. Accordingly they
landed with their fire-arms, swords, and targets; when it
occurred to one mischievous mortal amongst them, that the
A renter or proprietor of laud.
246
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Holwell di'agged
through the sun.
Submission of
the Zemindar.
Keturn march.
taking me with thera_, would be a proof of their commission
and the high offence the Zemindar had committed.
" Being immediately lugged ashore, I urged the impossi-
bility of my walking, covered as my legs were with boils, and,
several of them in the way of my fetters; and intreated, it" I
must go, that they would for the time take off my irons, as it
was not in my power to escape from them ; for they saw I was
hardly able to stand. But I might as well have petitioned
tigers, or made supplication to the wind. I was obliged to
crawl. They signified to me, it was now my business to obey,
and that I should remember, I was not then in the Furt of
Calcutta. Thus was I marched in a scorching sun, near
Boon, for more than a mile and half; my legs running in a
stream of blood from the irritation of my irons, and myself
ready to drop every step with excessive faintness and un-
speakable pain.
'' When we came near the Cutcherry of the district, the
Zemindar with his pj'kes was drawn up ready to receive us ;
but as soon as they presented me to him as a prisoner of State,
estimated and valued to them at four lakhs of rupees, ^ he con-
fessed himself sensible of his mistake, and made no further
show of resistance. The Jemadar seized him, and gave
orders to have him bound and sent to the boat : but on his
making a further submission, and promising to get boats from
Santipore to send after us, and agreeing to pay them for the
trouble he had caused, he was released, and matters accommo-
dated.
" I was become so very low and weak by this cruel travel
that it was some time before they would venture to march me
back; and the 'hard-hearted villains,' for their own sakes,
were at last obliged to carry me part of the way, and support
me the rest, covering me from the sun with their shields. A
poor fellow, one of our Undei'-Gomastas of Santipore, seeing
me at the Cutcherr}', knew me, and, with tears in his eyes,
presented me with a bunch of plantains, the half of which
my guai'd plundered by the way.
50,000^.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 217
" We departed from hence directly, in expectation of boats Ee-embarkation,
following" us, but they never came; and the next day (I
think the last of June) they pressed a small open fishing-
ding-y, and embarked us on that, with two of our guard only ;
for in fact, any more would have sunk her. Here we had a
bed of bamboos, something* softer, I think, than those of the
great boat ; that is, they were something" smoother, but we
were so distressed for room that we could not stir without
our fetters bruising' our own, or each other's boils ; and were
in woeful distress indeed, not arriving at Murshedabad until
the 7th of July in the afternoon. We were all this while
exposed to one regular succession of heavy rain, or intense
sun-shine, and nothing to defend us from either.
" But then do not let me forget our blessings ; for by smaii mercies.
the good-nature of one of our guard, we now and then lat-
terly got a few plantains, onions, parched rice, with jaggree,*
and the bitter green, called Curella : all which were to us lux-
urious indulgences, and make the rice go down deliciously,
"On the 7th of July, early in the morning, we came in Humanity of
sight of the French factory, I had a letter prepared for of the French
Mr. Law the Chief, and prevailed on my guard to put simbazar.
to there. On the receipt of my letter, Mr. Law, with
much politeness and humanity, came down to the water-side,
and remained near an hour with us. He gave the guard a
gent-eel present for his civilities, and offered him a consider-
able reward and security, if he would permit us to land for
an bourn's refreshment : but he replied his head would pay
for the indulgence. After Mr. Law had given us a supply
of clothes, linen, provisions, liquors, and cash, we left his
factory with grateful hearts and compliments.
" We could not, as you may imagine, long resist touching over-induigence.
our stock of provisions ; but however temperate we thought
ourselves, we were all disordered more or less by this first
indulgence. A few hours after I was seized with a painful
inflammation in my right leg and thigh.
1 Molasses,
248
EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Arrival at
Mursheilabad.
March through
the city.
More suft'erings.
Fever aud frout.
Humanity of the
I'rcnch aud
Dutch.
" Passing by our fort and factory at Cosslrabazar, raised
some melancholy reflections amongst us. About four in the
afternoon we landed at Murshedabad, and were conducted to,
and deposited in an open stable, not far from the Nawab^s
palace in the city.
" This march, I will freely confess to you, drew tears of
disdain and anguish of heart from me; thus to be led like a
felon, a spectacle to the inhabitants of this populous city ! My
soul could not support itself with any degree of patience ; the
pain too arising from my boils, and inflammation of my leg,
added not a little, I believe, to the depression of my spirits.
" Here we had a guard of Moors placed on one side of us,
and a guard of Hindus on the other ; and being destined to
remain in this place of jDurgatory, until the Nawab returned
to the city, I can give you no idea of our sufferings. The
immense crowd of spectators, who came from all quarters of
the city to satisfy their curiosity, so blocked lis up from
morning till night, that I may truly say we narrowly escaped
a second suffocation, the weather proving exceeding sultry.
" The first night after our arrival in the stable, I was
attacked by a fever ; and that night and the next day, the
inflammation of my leg and thigh greatly increased ; but all
terminated the second night in a regular fit of the gout in
my right foot and ankle ; the first and last fit of this kind
I ever had. How my irons agreed with this new visitor I
leave you to judge : for I could not by any intreaty obtain
liberty for so much as that poor leg.
" During our residence here, we experienced every act of
humanity and friendship from Mons. Law and Mynheer Vernet,
the French and Dutch Chiefs of Cossimbazar, who iefjb no
means unessayed to procure our release. Our provisions were
regularly sent us from the Dutch Tanksal ^ aud we were
daily visited by Messrs. Ross and Ekstone, the Chief and
Second there; and indeed received such instances of commiser-
ation and affection from Mynheer Ross as will ever claim
my most grateful remembrance.
' The Dutcli uilnt uear Murshcdubad.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 219
" The whole bod 7 of Armenian merchants too wore most Mention of
•^ . . Wan-ea
kind and friendly to us ; we were not a little indebted to Hastiiigs.
the oblig-ing- g-ood-natured behaviour of Messrs. Hasting-s and
Chamjbers, who gave us as much of their company as they
could. They had obtained their liberty by the French and
Dutch Chiefs becoming" bail for their appearance. This
security was often tendered for uS;, but without eflPect.
" The 11th of July the Nawab arrived, in the city, and with Better news.
him Bundoo Sing, to whose house we were removed that
afternoon in a hackery ; for I was not able to put my foot
to the ground. Here we were confirmed in a report which
had before reached us that the Nawab, on his return to
Hughly, made inquiry for us when he released Messrs.
Watts and Collet, &c., with intention to release us also; and,
that he had expressed some resentment for having so hastily
sent us up to Murshedabad. This proved a very pleasing
piece of intelligence to us; and gave us reason to hope the
issue would be more favourable to us than we expected.
" Though we were here lodged in an open bungalow only, Hope of release,
yet we found ourselves relieved from the crowd of people which
had stifled us at the stable, and once more breathed the fresh
air. We were treated with much kindness and respect by
Bundoo Sing, who generally passed some time or other of
the day with us, and feasted us with hopes of being soon
released.
" The 15th we were conducted in a hackery to the Killa, ' Conducted to
_ J ' the Nawab s
in order to have an audience of the Suba, and know our fate, palace.
W^e were kept above an hour in the sun opposite the gate ;
whilst here we saw several of his ministers, brought out dis-
gi-aced, and dismissed from their employs, who but a few
minutes before we had seen enter the Killa in the utmost
pomp and magnificence.
"Receiving advice that we should have no audience or No audience,
admittance to the Nawab that day, we were deposited again
at our former lodgings, the stable, to be at hand, and had the
mortification of passing another night there.
' The se^t of the Nawab or Suba's residence in the city of Murshedabad.
250
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Uisappoint-
meuts.
Fears of thje
Worst.
Despair.
Release,
" The 16th in the morning an old female attendant on the
widow^ of the late Aliverdi Khan paid a visit to our guard and
discoursed half an hour with him. Overhearing- part of the
conversation to he favourahle to us, I obtained the whole
from him ; and learned, that at a feast the preceding night
the Begum had solicited our liberty, and that the Nawab had
promised he would release us on the morrow. This, you will
believe, gave us no small spirit ; but at noon all our hopes
were dashed by a piece of intelligence from the guard
implying that an order was prepared, and ready to pass the
seal, for returning us in irons to Raja Monikchund,
governor of Allynagore, the name the Nav/ab had given to
Calcutta.
" I need not tell you what a thunderclap this proved to us
in the very height of our flattering expectations ; for I was,
as to myself, well convinced 1 should never have got alive out
of the hands of that rapacious harpy, who is a genuine
Hindu, in the very worst acceptation of the word ; there-
fore, from that moment, gave up every hope of liberty.
" Men in this state of mind are generally pretty easy ; it
is hope which gives anxiety. TVe dined and laid ourselves
down to sleep ; and for my own part, I never enjoyed a
sounder afternoon's nap.
" Towards five the guard waked me with notice that the
Nawab would presently pass by to his palace of Mooteejeel.
We roused, and desired the guard would keep the view clear
for us. When the Nawab came in sight, we made him the
usual salaam; and when he came abreast of us, he ordered his
litter to stop, and us to be called to him. We advanced ;
and I addressed him in a short speech, setting forth our
sufferings, and petitioned for our liberty. The wretched
spectacle we made must, I think, have made an impression on
a breast the most brutal ; and if he is capable of pity or con-
trition, his heart felt it then. I think it appeared in spite
of him in his countenance. He gave me no reply : but
ordered two of his officers to see our irons cut off, and to
The downger princess, grandmother of Suraj-u-daula.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE. 251
conduct us wherever we chose to go, and to take care we
receive no trouble nor insult ; and having" repeated this order
distinctly, directed his retinue to g-o on. As soon as our leg's
were free we took boat and proceeded to the Dutch Tanksall,
where we were received and entertained with real joy and
humanity.
" Thus, my worthy friend, you see us restored to liberty, at Explanations.
a time when we could entertain no probable hope of ever
obtaining it. The foundation of the alarm at noon was this :
Moneloll, the NawaVs Dewan, and some others, had in the
morning taken no small pains to convince the Nawab that,
notwithstanding my losses at Allynagore, I was still possessed
of enough to pay a considerable sum for my freedom ; and
advised the sending me to Monikchund, who would be better
able to trace out the remainder of my effects. To this, I was
afterwards informed, the Nawab replied : ' It may be ; if he
has any thing left, let him keep it : his sufferings have been
great ; he shall have his liberty.^ Whether this was the
result of his own sentiments, or the consequence of his pro-
mise the night before to the old Begum, I cannot say; but
believe, we owe our freedom partly to both.
'' Being myself once again at liberty, it is time I should conclusion.
release you. Sir, also from the unpleasing travel I have led you
in this narrative of our distresses, from our entrance into that
fatal Black Hole. And, shall it after all be said, or even
thought, that I can possibly have arraigned or commented too
severely on a conduct which alone plunged us into these un-
equalled sufferings ? I hope not. "
The Black Hole was demolished in 1818. The nemoution of
the Black Hole
accompanying extracts from a letter, signed " Asia- '" ^^^^•
ticus," which subsequently appeared in the Asiatic
Journal of Bengal, will be read with interest.
*' The formidable Black Hole is now no more. Early in Appearance of
the year 1813 I visited it. It was situated in the old fort in W^
of Calcutta, and was then on the eve of demolition. Since
that time the fort has come down, and on its site have been
252
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
List of the
Bufferers in the
Black Hole.
erected some extensive warehouses for the Corapany. I
recollect fonninj^ one of a party in Calcutta^ for the purpose
of paying a last visit to this melancholy spot. It presented,
on entering-, the appearance of an oven, being long, dark,
and narrow. One window (if I recollect right) was the
utmost, and this secured by bars. The escape of even the
small number who survived the horrid fate of the rest is
surprising, and can only be accounted for by the accident of
their being near the window, and the night air, which in
Bengal is commonly damp, allaying the fever which con-
sumed the rest.''^
The following is a list of the persons wlio
perished in the Black Hole on the night of Sunday,
the 19th of June 1756, appended to Holwell's
Narrative. Sixty-nine soldiers are omitted from
the list, as their names are unknown. It is supple-
mented by a list of the survivors.
VICT
[MS.
Members of Council.
E. %re.
Win. Btiillie,
}
Esqrs, j The Reverend Jervas
Gentlemen in the Service.
Mr.
Jenks.
Mr. Harod.
Revcly.
„ P. .Jobustone.
Law.
„ Ballard.
Coastes, Ens,
Mil.
„ N. Drake.
Valicourt.
„ Carse.
Jeb.
„ Kuapton.
Tori a no.
„ Gosling.
E. Page.
„ Bing.
S. P.^ge.
Grub.
„ Dod.
„ Dalrymple.
Street.
Military Captains.
Clayton.
1 Witherington.
Buchanan.
CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE.
253
Lieutenants.
Bisbop.
Sinison.
Hays.
Bellamy.
Blagg.
Ensigns
•
Paccard.
C. Wedderl)urn.
Scot.
Dumbleton, Ens. Mil,
Hastings.
Serjeants, 4'c.
Abraham, >.
Sergeant-Major.
Cartvvright,C sergeants of mi'itia.
Quartermaster-Sergeant.
Bleau, )
Sea Captains.
Hunt.
Porter,
Osburne.
W. Parker.
Purnell, survived the night.
Caulker.
but died next day.
Bendall.
Carey.
Atkinson.
Stephenson.
Leech.
Guy.
&c., &c.
P THOSE WHO SURVIVED
THE BLACK-HOLE PRISON.
Mr. Hoi well.
Capt. Mills.
„ Court.
„ Dickson.
„ Secretary Cooke.
„ Moi-an.
„ Lushiugton.
„ John Mf'adows.
„ Burdet.
And 12 military and militia blacks
Ens. Walcot.
and whites, some of wlioia
Mrs. Carey.
recovered when the door
was open.
CHAPTEE VIII.
Calnntta
recovered,
January 1757.
Colonel Clive,
Guvernor.
Attiturlcof the
Nawab.
FIKST GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE.
A. D. 1757 TO 1760.
^T^HE news of tlie disasters at Calcutta soon
-*- readied Madras. There was dismay at tlie
capture of Calcutta. There were cries for ven-
geance on the murderers of Englishmen. Captain
CHve had been away to England. He had return-
ed with the commission of Lieutenant-Colonel from
King George the Second. He had joined Admiral
Watson in an expedition against Gheriah, a nest of
Hindu pirates on the western coast of India. He
had helped in the destruction of Gheriah. He had
retiu'ned to Madras to hear of the capture of Cal-
cutta and tragedy of the Black Hole. Colonel
Clive and Admiral Watson were soon on their way
from Madi'as to Calcutta. In Januaiy 1757 the
EngHsh fleet reached Calcutta. The native Gov-
ernor of Calcutta, who had been appointed by the
Nawab, fled in a panic. After a veiy little fighting
the EngKsh flag was hoisted over Eort William.
Calcutta was recovered on the second of Janu-
ary 1757 ; from this date Robert Clive was Governor
of the
English
settlements in Bensral. Having
recovered possession of the settlement of Calcutta,
FIRST GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 255
it was time to punish the Nawab for the massacre
of Englishmen, and force liim to make some com-
pensation for the severe losses which had been
sustained by the Company and the inhabitants
of Calcutta. On the 10th of January the EngKsh
attacked and captm^ed the native town of Hughli.
These movements aroused the young Nawab. He
appeared in the neighbourhood of Calcutta with an
army of forty thousand men. He feigned friend-
ship : he promised redress ; but it was difEicult to
beheve him. Every demand made by the English
was delayed or evaded. The presence of his army
was a menace to the EngKsh at Calcutta ; and some
of his people were beginning to enter the Company's
bounds.
On the 4th of Eebruarv Clive brought matters Defeat of the
•^ ^ Nawab by Clive,
to a crisis. He called on the Nawab to withdraw ^'^'"'''■y ^^°^-
his army. The Nawab refused. Clive had little
more than two thousand men, but two-thii'ds were
Europeans. He attacked the Nawab's camp at early
morning. His success was marred by a fog, but it
sufficed to frighten the enemy. The Nawab retreat-
ed from Calcutta and began to make overtures of
peace.
There were objections to making a peace with objections to
peace.
the Nawab. "Watson thought that he had not been
sufficiently punished ; and that the Nawab was
only amusing the English in order to cover his
retreat. The EngKsh generaKy were burning to
avenge the atrocity of the Black Hole. But CKve
was conscious of other dangers. Great Britain was
256 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INI>IA.
on the eve of a war with Erance. The ISTawab might
form a league with the French at Chandernagore.
If the Nawah's army was sn];)portecl by a French
force the English Company might find itself in
danger. Under such cii'cumstances Colonel Chve
thought it would be best to make peace ^dth the
Nawab, secure compensation, and restore the Com-
pany's settlement to its old footing, rather than
endanger the safety of the settlement by protracted
hostilities for the sake of revenge.
Lavish potriBos Clive therefore be^an to nesrotiate with the N'awab.
oftheXawab. .
He found no difficulty as far as promises were
concerned. The Nawab was ready to promise any-
thing. He engaged to restore all the goods that had
been taken from the English factories; he would
pay for all that were lost or damaged ; he fixed the
day on which full compensation was to be made.
He granted all former privileges, and permitted the
English to fortify Calcutta. A treaty was soon con-
cluded ; the only question was whether the Nawab
would fulfil its obligations.
i>ifli<uit;cs wi'h Peace having been made with the Nawab, the
the Frem-b at
chandtrnagure. j^q^^ qucstiou was how to dcal with the French at
Chandernagore. Chve proposed a neutrality in
Bengal. But the French governor of Chander-
nagore could not pledge himself to a neutrality;
he was bound to obey all orders he might receive
from Pondicheny ; should he be told to attack the
English, he would have no option.
Increase of Tlus auswcr was perplexing ; the English in Bengal
Fr.iiili influence T1.1 -ni-n 11
in the Dckban ^ad rcal 2jrounds for alarm. Frcncli intiucncc had
FIRST GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 257
increased in India. M. Bnssy had set up a Nizam
at Hyderabad, and was all powerful in the Dekhan.
He had obtained the cession of a large territory for
the maintenance of a French force ; the new
French dominion extended six hundred miles along
the coast of Coromandel. It was certain that if
M. Bussy joined the French at Chandemagore,
the Nawab would court his friendship ; and if the
French supported the Nawab, there was every rea-
son to fear that Calcutta would be overwhelmed.
Accordins^ly Clive asked the Nawab for permis- capture of
'' Chandernagore.
sion to attack the French at Chandernagore. At
first the Nawab refused. Then he was alarmed at
rumours that the Afghans at Delhi were about to
invade Bengal; and he naturally wanted Clive to
help him to keep the Afghans out of Bengal. At
last he gave the requu'ed permission to Clive to
attack the French. In March Chandernagore was
captured by the English.
Clive was now bent upon rooting the French The xawab
inclines towards
out of Bengal. Some fugitives from Chander- ^^^ French.
nagore had fled to Cossimbazar, and found refuge
in the Fi-ench factory under M. Law. Clive de-
manded the smTender of the refugees. But the
Nawab had ah'eady begun to lean towards the
French. He had given money and arms to the
French refugees. When CHve became more press-
ing, the Nawab gave the French more money, and
sent them away up country towards Patna, imder
pretence of banishing them from his dominions.
To crown all, authentic reports were received by
Nawab,
258 EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Colonel Clive that M. Bussy was marching a large
force towards Bengal ; it was also discoyered that
the Nawab was sending friendly letters and pre-
sents to M. Bussy.^
Alarming pro- ]gy thls time Clivc f oiind that he could not trust
eecdings of the v
the Nawab. Mr. Watts, a Company's servant, was
sent to reside at Miu'shedabad. He reported that
the Nawab was not only intriguing with the French,
but evading the fulfilment of the treaty. The
conduct of the Nawab was suspicious and threaten-
ing. One day he would tear up Clive's letters
and threaten to put Mr. "Watts to death ; the next
day he would beg pardon of Mr. Watts. He sent
an army to Plassey, under the command of his
prime minister, with the evident object of threaten-
ing the English at Calcutta. Clive requested him to
withdraw the army. In rej)ly the Nawab sent a
further reinforcement to Plassey under the com-
mand of Meer Jaffier.
pifficuuies of Clive was now placed in a most difficult and trying
position. He was hurried on by force of circum-
stances into a line of action which no one had fore-
seen. On recovering possession of Calcutta he would
have been content with a certain amount of redress
and compensation. All he wanted was to inflict
such a punishment on the Nawab as would prevent
him from making any future attempt on Calcutta.
* The determination of the Nawab to break with the English was
obvious iu other directions, English merchants going to the Factories up
country were arrested and sent back by the Nawub's orders. This was
contrary to treaty, but the merchants were told that the Nawnb would
not regard the treaty.— Sec Verclst's Bengal, page 17.
Clive,
FIRST GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 259
But the war with Prance introduced new compli-
cations. The Nawab had been inclined to pit the
French against the English ; he had given an im-
wilKng consent to the EngKsh capture of Chander-
nagore ; he was inviting the Erench in the Dekhan
to drive the English out of Bengal. The capture
of Chandernagore had silenced the French for a
while ; but notliing short of the destruction of the
Nawab would prevent a renewal of the struggle
between the Erench and English in Bengal.
The state of Bengal in 1757 thus bore a strong Frfnch and Ent?.
, lish m Bengal.
resemblance to the state of the Carnatic a few
short years before. Had there been a Dupleix in
Bengal, he would have supported Suraj-u-daula as
a Erench Nawab, and gone to war with the English.
In like manner Clive was prepared to set up an
EngHsli Nawab in Bengal, to counteract any joint
efforts that might be made by the Erench in the
Dekkan and Suraj-u-daula to drive the English out
of Calcutta.
Fortune plaved into the hands of Clive. The ^''^^'"^ oonspira-
J- "^ ■ cy at Murshed-
grandees at Murshedabad were already disgusted '''''"'•
with the insolence of the Nawab. Many of them
were alarmed at his threats. At last they formed
a conspu'acy to dethrone him. Jugget Seit, the
Hindu banker, was a leader in the conspii'acy ; so
was the prime minister who commanded the army
at Plassey ; so was Meer Jaffier who had joined the
army at Plassey. The conspkators were timid after
the manner of Bengalees; they wanted Clive to
help them ; they made overtures through Omichund,
260 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH IXDIA.
the Hindu* contractor who had formerly served the
Company.^
cuve makes It is nccdlcss to dwell upon the plot. Clive
terms with the
conspirators, niadc sccrct terms with the conspirators. Mr.
Watts escaped from Cossimhazar. The Nawab
marched all his forces to Plassey, whilst Clive
moved up from Calcutta. Clive and the ISTawab
met at Plassey. The battle was fought in June
1757, just a twelvemonth after the loss of Calcutta.
Meer Jaffier had promised to go over to Clive ; but he
only looked on and did nothing. CUve utterly
routed the Nawab 's army. The Nawab fled away,
a helpless fugitive. Subsequently he fell into the
hands of his enemies, and was put to death by a
son of Meer JaflQ.er.
ciiTemakesMeer Cllvc wcut ou to Murshcdabad and placed Meer
Jaffier on the throne. The new Nawab was profuse
with presents and promises. The treasures of Siu'aj-
u-daula had been estimated at forty millions
sterling. In reahty they only amounted to a million
and a half. Meer Jaffier engaged to pay a milhon
to the Company ; three-quarters of a miUion as
1 See ante, page 224. Omichund subsequently threatened to divulge the
whole plot to the Nawab, unless he was paid about three hundred thousiind
sterling. Clive duped him with a sham copy of a treaty, purporting to
have been made between the Company and Meer Jaltier, stipulating that
the money should be given to Omichund. The real treaty contained no such
clause. This trick, by which Clive personally profited nothing, has done
more harm to his reputation than any other charge that has been brought
against him.
2 Meer Jaffier and Meer Cossim have become such current names in the
Government records as well as in the Parliamentary debates, that it would
be inexpedient to change them into modem spelling ; otherwise they
should be styled Jatir Mir and ilir Kazim, or Amir Jaflir and Amir Kazim.
Jaffier Xawab.
Presents and
compensatiuD.
FIRST GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 261
compensation to the inhabitants of Calcutta, native
and European ; also presents to Clive and members
of Government. Half the money was paid down
at once, and the remainder was promised at an
early date. Boats went down the river from Mur-
shedabad to Calcutta laden with treasure to the
value of eight hundred thousand pounds sterling.
Few events in history have created a greater Joy and triumph
revulsion of feeling than the victory at Plassey.
The people of Calcutta had been depressed, not
only by the capture of the Eactory, but by the
utter loss of all their worldly goods. But now the
disgrace was forgotten in the triumph ; the poverty
was forgotten at the sight of the treasure. Orme says
that the whole settlement was intoxicated with
joy; quarrels were forgotten and enemies became
friends.
CKve received a vast money reward from Meer wealth of cuve.
Jaffier. Large as it was, the time came when he
express d liis sm'prise that he had not taken more.
He had placed Meer Jaffier on the throne of the
three provinces at a time when the trembling
grandee might have expected death and destruction
for his inaction at Plassey. Eor the moment, the
grandees at Murshedabad regarded Clive as the
symbol of power, the arbiter of fate, the type of
omnipotence who could protect or destroy at will. ,
One and all were eager to propitiate Clive with ':l
presents; such has been the instinct of orientals
from the remotest antiquity. They are ever ready
to propitiate men in power with jQlatteries and
!
2G2 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDTA.
presents, just as they seek to avert tlie wrath or
implore the protection of deity by praises and
sacrifices. Clive refused to accept any present,
saving what came from the hands of Meer Jaffier.
McerJaffier In duc coursc Clivc returned to Calcutta. He
drives the Ilin-
dus into rebel- g^Qj^ jjad causB for anxiety. The new Nawab
began to enter upon a dangerous course of policy.
Hitherto the Nawabs of Bengal, and of every other
province under Moghul rule, had employed Hindu
ministers and renters in preference to Muham-
madans. The Hindus were a check upon the kins-
men and retainers of the Nawab. They were more
subservient and amenable to the Nawab. Meer
Jaffier reversed this state of things; he sought
to remove the Hindu j)rime minister, and some
of the more powerful of the Hindu governors,
and replace them by his own kinsmen. The
result was that four different rebellions broke out
at the same time. To make matters worse the
Nawab of Oude was threatening to invade Beliar
and take possession of the three provinces of Ben-
gal, Behar, and Orissa.
Nawab of Oude Thc Nawab of Oude played an important part
threatens i ^' ± X
Bengal. jj^ i]^q subsequcnt history of British India. His
name was Shuja-u-daula. His territories extended
from Behar to the neighboiu-hood of Delhi ; from
the banks of the Jumna to the mountains of Nepal.
riive averts the CUvc was oucc morc driven on by the force of cir-
cumstances. He had set up a new Nawab, who
was equally incapable of keeping the peace in
Bengal, or of keeping invaders out of thc province.
FIRST GOVERNMENT OP CLIVE. 263
Unless he interfered in the administration of
affaii's, Bengal wonld go to rack and ruin, and the
Company's settlements be swamped in the general
anarchy. He suppressed the rebellions within the
three provinces by guaranteeing the safety of the
Hindu officials. The prime minister escaped to
Calcutta and was taken under English protection.
Clive especially guaranteed the Hindu governor of
Behar, named Bam Narain. This man ruled the
country between Bengal proper and the dominions
of the Nawab of Oude. By giving him a guarantee,
he was kept from deserting Meer Jaffier and going
over to the Nawab of Oude. The fear of an inva-
sion, however, was soon over ; the Nawab of Oude
was called away by troubles in the North-West.
Meer Jaffier was forced to respect the guarantees Difficult position
. ^ of Clive.
of Clive, but he was very jealous of the inter-
ference. Chve, however, could not help his position.
He already saw that he had no alternative but to
exercise a paramount power or abandon the coun-
try. If Behar was invaded from without, the
Nawab had no one to look to but Clive. Mean-
wiiile, had the rebellions of the Hindu governors
continued in the pro^dnces, they would have laid the
country open to invasion.
Meer Jaffier was well aware of liis weakness. Authority of
He knew that he was helpless without Clive. Still ^i?;f ''^'''^
his mortification was none the less. Before the
capture of Calcutta, no Englishmen appeared at
Murshedabad, except as supplicants for trading
privileges. Since the battle of Plassey, the English
in the Dekhan.
264 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
were lords and masters. The Hindu grandees were
making their court to Clive, just as the English
merchants during the previous century had been
accustomed to make thek court to the Nawab and
his great men.
wai.yattasand Tlic victorlcs of CHvc had made him famous in
Mii^huls court
ciive. India, before he went to Bengal. Before the battle
of Plassey, the Mahrattas of Poona offered to help
him against the Nawab of Bengal. After the battle,
as will be seen hereafter, he received flattering
overtures from the Moghul court at Dellii.
Ruin of the Whilst Clive was trying to keep the peace in
Freufh interest e/ o ± ±
Bengal, the French were making war in the South-
ern Peninsula. The declaration of war in 1756
between Great Britain and France had revived the
old struggle between the Enghsh and French in the
Carnatic. A large French force landed at Pon-
dicherry under the ill-fated Count Lally. Clive
sought to create a diversion, by sending an expe-
dition under Colonel Forde to drive the French out
of the Dekhan. The story of the expedition has
lost its interest. It will suffice to say that French
influence in the Dekhan was ruined by Lally.
He recalled Bussy from the Dekhan. The conse-
quence was that Forde succeeding in expelling the
French from the Dekhan. Subsequently Lally laid
siege to Madras, but was compelled to raise it. He
was next utterly defeated at Wandewash by Sir
Eyi'e Coote. Pondicherry was taken by Coote and
Lally returned to France, where he was condemned
to death, and most unjustly executed.
FIRST GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 265
Meantime the Ensrlish in Ben2:al had troubles of The shahzada
■-^ "-^ threat ens
their ot^ti. In the beginning of 1759 there was a °^°^''''
storm from the north-west. At Delhi, the King, or
Padishah, was entirely in the hands of his Vizier, and
was in danger of liis life. His eldest son, known
as the Shahzada, fled from Delhi to escape from
the Vizier. After many adventui'es and wander-
ings, the Shahzada appeared on the border of Behar.
He gave out that his father, the King, had given him
the government of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. He
was soon at the head of a large army.
Clive marched to the frontier and soon disposed Defeated by
^ Clive.
of the Shahzada. Meer Jaffier expressed much
gratitude for tliis service. The Vizier at Delhi was
equally pleased at the overthrow of the rebel prince.
He sent the letters or sunnuds of investiture to
Meer Jaffier, as Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and
Orissa. He also sent a title of honour to Clive;
subsequently the Nawab gave a jaghire to Clive for
the maintenance of the title. It was given out
that the grant of the jaghire was an act of grati-
tude on the part of the Nawab for the defeat of the
Shahzada.^
1 This title led to the celebrated acquisition known as dive's jaghire. In
India under the Moghuls it was customary to give a giant of land with a
title J the recipient farmed out the lands at a comparatively high annual
rate, and paid a smaller yearly quit-rent into the imperial treasury. After the
battle of Plassey, the Nawab had ceded a large territory on the bank of the
river Hughli to the English Company. The Company paid a quit-rent of thirty
thousand pounds to the Nawab, and farmed out the lands for a hundred
thousand pounds. The Nawab made over this quit-reut to Clive, which was
henceforth known as Colonel Clive's jaghire.
266
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
War with the
Dutch.
Meer Jaflfier
fk-igUteued.
In 1759 Clire was involved in hostilities with the
Dutch. A Dutch armament suddenly arrived from
Batavia and sailed up the Huglih River. It turned
out that wliilst Meer Jaffier had been flattering
Clive, he had been intriguing with the Dutch at
Chinsura ; and the Dutch had arranged to help liim
with a fleet against the English. There was no war
between Great Britain and Holland, and consequent-
ly it was difficult for Clive to decide how to act ; yet
it was obvious that the Dutch armament at Batavia
threatened Calcutta ; that if the armanent effected
a junction with the Dutch force at Chinsura, the
two combined mio^ht overwhelm Calcutta. Clive
took upon himself all the responsibilities of a war ;
he fought against the Dutch, as it were with a
halter round his neck. He barred the advance of
the Dutch; he left them to begin the attack;
he then routed them utterly. He compelled the
Dutch to acknowledsre themselves the asfopressors
and to pay compensation for all losses and damages.
The Dutch government in Em-ope made loud com-
plaints, but they had no remedy. Clive had beaten
them both at dijilomacy and at arms.
The complicity of Meer Jaffier in the Dutch
expedition was beyond all doubt. Indeed it might
be conjectured that Clive got his jagliii'e, not because
he had defeated the Shahzada, but because Meer
Jaffier was in mortal terror lest Clive should punish
him for his intrigues with the Dutch. It seems far
more likely that the jaghirc was given as a peace-
offering than as an act of gratitude.
FIRST GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 207
In 1759-60 the Sliahzada asjain tlu'eatened Bchar, cuvo returns to
Ed gland, 1760.
supported by the Nawab of Oude. Cnve sent a
force against the invaders under the command of
Major Calliaud. The first administration of Clive
was drawing to a close. He embarked for England
in Eebruary 1760. He was in the zenith of his
fame at the early age of tliirty-five.
The pohcy of Clive at this period may be gathered l?^'^j^°J^ ^''^^p^^-
from a remarkable letter which he addressed to
WiUiam Pitt, dated the 7th of January 1759.' He
told Pitt that no trust or rehance could be placed
upon the Nawab, and still less upon the heir apparent
to the throne at Murshedabad. A strong European
force in Bengal was therefore indispensable, and
Clive thought that two thousand Em-opean soldiers
would put an end to all alarm. If the Nawab or
his successor proved troublesome, such a force would
enable the English to assume the sovereignty of the
country. It would be easy to obtain letters of con-
firmation from the Court at Delhi by engaging to
send a yearly tribute to the King, as His Majesty's
share of the revenue of the province. The people of
the country would rejoice at the change of rulers."
1 See Malcolm's Life of Clive, volume II, page 119.
2 Clive estimated the gross revenues of Bengal, Behar, and Orlssa at three
or four millions sterling. In the early years of the reign of Aurangzeb, the
imperial share of the revenue of Bengal amounted to fifty-five lakhs, or more
than half a million sterling. In 1665-66 Tavernier saw this amount of money
being carried in hard cash from Bengal to Delhi, (See ante, page 154.)
Neither Tavernier, nor any one else, could estimate the gross revenue.
Forty years later, when Nawab Murshed Kuli Khan was trying to in-
gratiate himself with the Moghul Court at Delhi, he sent more than a million
sterling to the imperial treasury as the king's share of the revenue of
Benijal,
268 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
ciive offered the Clive f urtlier toM Pitt that the Vizier at Dellii
post of Dewan
Court -^efs^oM l^^d abeady sounded him on this point. The Vizier
for refusing. j^^ offcred CKve the post of Dewan, or Collector of
the revenue of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. Origin-
ally the post of Dewan had been distinct from that
of Nawab or Nazim. The Dewan was the financial
minister who collected the revenue in the name of
the Emperor; paid all the official salaries from
that of the Nawab Xazim downwards ; and remitted
the surplus to the imperial treasury at Delhi. The
Nawab Nazim was the military commander of the
province, who was supj)osed to keep the peace, and
help the Dewan to collect the revenue. But the
two posts of Dewan and Nawab Nazim had become
united in one man ever since the days of Mm'shed
Kuli Khan. Clive declined the separate post of
King's Dewan. It would have excited the jealousy
of Meer Jaffier, and he had not a sufficient Euro-
pean force in Bengal to enable him to carry out the
measure in the teeth of the Nawab. ^
Previous scheme Straugc to sav, Clivc's schemc for the govern-
of Colonel Mill.
ment of Bengal resembles one wliich had been
draAvn up twelve years previously by a Colonel James
Mill. In all probability Clive never saw it.*
Colonel James Mill had lived twenty years in India.
He projected the conquest of the three provinces
* It will be seen hereafter that the post of King's Dewan was subsequently
accepted by Clive in behalf of the English Coni|)any.
No historian, as far as I am aware, has referred to Mill's scheme. It lies
buried in an appendix to Bolt's Afiairs in Bengal. The original is very diffuse,
like most English in the eighteenth centary. The remarks in the text give
all the points in Mill's memoraudum.
FIRST GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 2G9
of Bengal, Beliar, and Orissa, under the flag of tlic
Emperor of Germany. In 1746 he suhmitted his
scheme to Francis of Lorraine, the husband of
Maria Theresa.
"The Moghul empire," says Colonel Mill, "is
overflowing with gold and silver. She has always
been feeble and defenceless. It is a miracle that
no Eui'opean prince with a maritime power has
ever attempted the conquest of Bengal. By a
single stroke infinite wealth might be acquired,
which would counterbalance the mines of Brazil
and Peru.
" The pohcy of the Moghuls is bad ; their army
is worse ; they are without a navy. The empire is
exposed to perpetual revolts. Their ports and
rivers are open to foreigners. The country might
be conquered, or laid under contribution, as easily
as the Spaniards overwhelmed the naked Indians
of America.
" A rebel subject, named Aliverdi Khan, has torn
away the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and
Orissa from the Moghul empire. He has treasure
to the value of thirty millions sterhng. His yearly
revenue must be at least two millions. The pro-
vinces are open to the sea. Tlu'ce ships with fifteen
hundred or two thousand regulars would sufiice for
the undertaking. The British nation would co-
operate for the sake of the plunder and the promo-
tion of their trade. The East India Company
should be left alone. No Company can keep a
270 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
secret. Moreover, the English Company is so dis-
tracted as to be incapable of any firm resolution."
ciive's ideas of It has bccn said that Clive conquered Bensral for
the sake of the late Comjiany. From his letter to
Pitt it would seem that he did nothing of the kind-
He wished all conquests in India to be transferred
to the British nation ; and he suggested to Pitt that
the surplus revenue might be aj^propriated to the
jDayment of the national debt.
pitt'B objections. Pitt coucurrcd with Clive as regards the prac-
ticability of the scheme, l)ut he saw difficulties in
the way. The Company's charter would not expire
for twenty years. The Judges had been already
consulted, and decided that the conquests in India
belonged to the Company and not to the Crown.
Moreover, if the conquests were transferred to the
Crown, Pitt was of opinion that they might en-
danger the public liberties. It is a curious co-
incidence that a single century should have precisely
intervened between the day when Clive penned his
letter, and the day when the direct government of
India was assiuned by the Crown.^
1 Only eight weeks were wanting to complete the century. Clive wrote
on the 7th of January 1759. The proclamation of the Queen's assuming
the direct Government of ludui was made on the 5th of November 1858.
I
CHAPTER IX.
CALCUTTA RECORDS : CHANGING NAWABS.
1760 TO 1763.
^r^HE departure of Clive from Bengal was followed critical state of
-^ by what may be termed the revolutionary
period. Clive had foreseen that the existing status
could not last. He had propounded his scheme of
government to Pitt ; but the famous war minister had
raised objections. Some decided step was absolutely
necessary. Delay might be attended with serious
danger. Hindustan was swarming with adventurers,
Mahratta and Afghan. A helpless Nawab with
a rabble army would never repel the warlike bands
from the north-west who were carving out princi-
palities in India. An English force could hold
Bengal against all comers ; but there was no money
to pay for it. The revenues of the Nawab were
swallowed up by his rabble following ; and it was
impossible to expect that the Company should
provide for the defence of Bengal out of their
profits as merchants. Eortunately Mahrattas and
Afghans were at war against each other in the
Upper Provinces, or Bengal might have been
overwhelmed at any moment, and all the advan-
tages gained by the battle of Plassey might have
been sacrificed at a single blow.
272
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Governors
Holwell.and
Vansittart.
Bengal
threateued.
Nawab Jafficr
Clive was succeeded for a few months by Mr.
Holwell as Governor of Calcutta. Holwell was tlic
man wlio had written an account of his sufferings
in the Black Hole. He was natm^ally spiteful
against all Nawahs, and especially so against Nawah
Jaffier. He was succeeded by Mr. Vansittart, a
well-meaning man, who was soon called upon to take
serious action.
The Shahzada and Nawab of Oudh were turn-
ing up again under novel circumstances. The King
of Delhi had been murdered by the Vizier. The
Shahzada proclaimed himself King under the name
of Shah Alam, and appointed the Nawab of Oudh
to be his Vizier. They raised an army and began
to threaten Behar.
The dethronement of Nawab Jaffier was thus per-
haps a political necessity ; a stronger man was wanted
for the place. Meer Cossim was pitched upon ; he
had married a daughter of Nawab Jaffier, and was
known to be a soldier of capacity. There was no
difficulty as to terms. The Calcutta Council ex-
pected a donation of twenty lakhs of rupees to be
distributed amongst themselves. Meer Cossim was
ready to promise payment, but Vansittart refused
to take the money. Indeed so large a sum, equal
to more than two hundred thousand pounds ster-
ling, could scarcely have been forthcoming out of
an empty treasury, with a dangerous enemy on the
frontier.^
' Mr. Mill, and every historian after him, says that Mr. Vansittart took
the money and distributed it. It will be seen liereat'ter that the charge was
a culumuy as far as Vansittart and Wanen Hastings are coucerued.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: CHANGING NAWABS. 273
Nawab Cossim was placed upon the throne with- installation of
-•■ -"■ Nawab Cossim.
out the slightest opposition. Meer Jaffier yielded
to his fate, and gave up the post to his son-in-law.
The people of Bengal cared nothing about the
change of Nawabs, and thus the English could
already depose and set up Nawabs at will.
The EngKsh and Nawab Cossim took the field invasion
repelled,
against the King and Nawab Vizier. The details
of the military operations are of no moment. It
will suffice to say that the enemy was utterly routed.
The Nawab Yizier fled back to Oudh. Shah Alam
surrendered to the English, and took up his abode at
Patna, the capital of Beliar.
The records in the Home Office at Calcutta besrin Records of the •
~ Home Office at
about this period. The letters which passed be- <^^^<='^"^-
tween the Governor and Council at Calcutta and the
Court of Directors at London form the most valu-
able portion. The Governor and Council at Cal-
cutta reported the progress of events. In reply the
Court of Directors reviewed what had happened and
passed their orders. These records are diffuse but
intelligible; they tell the actual state of affairs ; at
the same time they show that neither the Board at
Calcutta, nor the Directors at London, were able to
read between the lines.
It is obvious from the records, assisted perhaps ^^^If^^ "* ^^"
by a knowledge of after events, to see that from the
first, Meer Cossim was bent on emancipating him-
self from the English. He did his best to with-
draw from all intercourse with English. He put a
stop to all money disputes with his allies by ceding
s
274 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
three districts/ yielding a yearly revenue of half a
million sterling. He was nnder the impression
that this revenue would satisfy the English once
and for all, as it would suffice to maintain
an English force in time of war, and to fill the
coffers of the Company in time of peace. He left
the English to administer the affau's of these three
districts as they pleased. He thus entered upon the
undisturhed possession of the remainder of the
three provinces. Moreover, he moved his capital
from Murshedahad to Monghyr. Murshedabad was
not much more than a hundred miles from Cal-
cutta. Monghyr was nearly thi-ee hundred miles.
At Monghyr Nawah Cossim could train and dis-
cipline an army without observation; and it vnll
appear from the sequel that he formed an army at
Monghyr that fought against the English with an
obstinate bravery far exceeding that of any native
army encountered by Clive.
shahAiamat All thls wlulc Shah Alam was living in a very
anomalous position at Patna. He was nominally
a rebel when he was defeated by Clive and Nawab
Jaffier. He was nominally a King when he was
defeated by the English and Nawab Cossim. In
reality he had hitherto been a puppet in the hands
of the Nawab Vizier of Oudh ; and now he had sur-
rendered himself to the English and Nawab Cossim^
Patna
» The three districts were Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong. For
some years no change was made in the native administration of the three
districts. The Company's servants merely took the nett collections from the
zemindars, or farmers of the revenue, and left the native zemindars to collect
the revenues nfter their own fashion, and administer justice in their own way.
CALCUTTA IJECORDS: CHANGING NAWABS. 275
and was living on their bounty at Patna. But for all
this Shah Alani was Xing, and might have mounted English propose
couducting ShaU
the throne at Delhi, if he could only have got there. ^'^"^ *° ^^''''•
The state of Delhi at this period is beyond any-
thing that can be imagined from European ex-
periences. The anarchy and confusion was not
brought about by the struggles of internal parties
but by conflict between foreign enemies. Por years
Dellii had been a bone of contention between Mah-
rattas and Afghans. In 1759 the Vizier, supj)orted
by Mahrattas, had murdered the King, the father of
Shah Alam. Since then the Vizier had been driven
out of Dellii by the Afghans under Ahmad Shah
Abdali. In January 1761, the Afghans under Ah-
mad Shah Abdali had crushed the Mahrattas at
Panipat. The defeat was followed by a m.assacre
of Mahrattas, which left Ahmad Shah Abdali
undisputed master of Hindustan.
Ahmad Shah Abdali was anxious to place Shah Afghan infiu-
ences predom-
Alam upon the throne of Delhi. He raised a son of *'''*'^"s ^^ ^^"''•
Shah Alam to the throne, until Shah Alam should
himself arrive at Delhi. Shah Alam was then most
anxious for the English to conduct him to Delhi.
What the English thought of this proposal may be
gathered from the following extract of a general
letter sent by Mr. Vansittart and Council at Calcutta
to the Court of Directors.
The President and Board at Calcutta are thus speak- Extracts from
, , Calcutta records.
mg, as it were, to the Court of Directors in London: —
"The first thing that occurs under the head of Country King shah Aiam
Powers is the Proclamation of Shah Alam (formerly known DeihTj^tu to
276 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
obtain the help bj the name of the Shahzada) as King" of Delhi, He re»
mained at Patna till the beg-inning of June^ and was ex-
tremely desirous of having a body of English forces accom-
panying him to his capital; but as we were uncertain of
Colonel Coote's regiment coming down from the coast,^ and
the security of your possessions in Bengal was first to be
regarded, we found it impossible to spare a sufficient detach-
ment for undertaking so distant and so important a service.
The King, therefore, being pressed by his relations at Delhi
to proceed thither with all expedition, and Shuja-u-daula, the
Nawab of Oude, whom he has appointed his Yizier, having
advanced to the borders of this Province to meet him, he
determined not to wait longer for our assistance. The Na-
wab Meer Cossim supplied him with considerable sums of
money during his residence at Patna, and at the time of
his departure caused Sicca Rupees to be struck in his
name througliout these provinces ; of which having advised
the President, it was agreed that the Siccas in the name
of Shah Alam should also be struck in our Mint on the
15th of July, which was accordingly done, the usual notice
being first given. Shah Alam is not, however, as yet gener-
ally acknowledged. The late Vizier [at Delhi] has en-
gaged some of the chiefs of the empire in his party, and has
formed a considerable army to oppose the King and Shuja-u-
daula on their way to Delhi. These last were by our freshest
advices about ten days' march on this side of Agra, which
was in the hands of the late Delhi Yizier, so that upon the
whole the event of this affair is very doubtful.^
*' We hope, however, that none of the contending parties
will return this way, and that Bengal will continue to enjoy
a state of tranquillity.*'
' The "coast" always refers to the Coromandel Coast; in other words, to
the Madras Presidency. Thus the Calcutta letter means that the Governor
and Council were uncertain whether Colonel Coote would bring up his
European regiment from iladras. Had they been assured on this point, an
English force would even at this early period have been sent to Delhi to
place Shah Alam on the throne. "What the result would have been, few can
divine.
• General letter co Court, 12th November 17G1, paras. 56 tu 71.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: CHANGING NAWABS. 277
It ultimately turned out that neither the English Designs of
Nawab Cossini
nor Nawab Cossim would help Shah Alam. At the "p°'' ^^^ ^'"^■
same time both were anxious to get what they could
out of him. The name of Padishah, or King, was
still held in profound respect throughout Hindu-
stan ; and his sign manual sufficed for the grant of
provinces. Meer Cossim had been made Nawab
of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa by English prestige. He
was anxious to get letters of investiture from the
King, under the King's seal. It would not only
confirm his right to the three provinces, but
render liim independent of the English. He would
be Nawab, not by the nomination of foreigners,
but by the favour of the King. Shah Alam, on the
other hand, insisted upon the payment of the old
annual tribute as the imperial share of the revenue
of the three provinces. He would not give the
letters of investiture without some guarantee that
the imperial share would be paid. In the end
Nawab Cossim agreed to pay the King an annual
tribute of twenty-four lakhs, or two hundred and
forty thousand pounds sterling ; and by this large
sacrifice of revenue secured the letters of investi-
ture.
Mr. Vansittart heard that Nawab Cossim had Designs of the
Eug'lish upon
got letters of investiture for Bengal, Behar, and ^^^ ^"'s-
Orissa, and naturally followed the example. He
asked the King for letters of investiture for the
jaghire lands granted by Nawab Jaffier, and for the
thi^ee districts ceded by Meer Cossim ; he also
asked for similar letters investing Mahomed Ali,
278 EAllLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
the Englisli Nawab of Arcot, with the government
of the Carnatic. ' Mr. Vansittart evidently thought
that the request for the letters was a very simple
one ; but he was told that no letters of investiture
would be granted, unless the imperial share of the
revenues of the Carnatic, as well as that of the three
districts in Bengal, was sent to the King. He was
evidently taken aback by the refusal. It will be
seen hereafter that the Directors were equally
offended with the King; they thought the King
ought to have granted the letters of investiture
out of gratitude to the English. The following
extract from the letter to the Court already quoted
sufficiently details the facts : —
" By the Nawab Cossim's letter to the President, which he
laid before the Board the 12th October, we are advised of his
having received from Shah Alam the Sunnuds [i. e., letters
of investiture] for the three provinces.
The English " We directed Maior Caruac and Mr. McGuire, and affer-
apply to Shah i /-i i i
Alam for other wai'ds Colonel Cootc and Mr. McGuirc, to apply, as soon as
Sunnuds. ' . i i j ^
Shah Alam should be acknowledged King, for Sunnuds for
the Company's possessions and privileges in Bengal, viz. : —
" The zemindari of the pergunnahs or lands about Cal-
cutta granted by Meer JafEer.
" The jaghires of the districts of Burdwan, Midnapore,
and Chittagong, granted by the present Nawab, and
the confirmation of the freedom of our Mint.
Also for Sunnuds " We directed also application to be made at the same time
at Arcot. ' for the Sunnuds for the Provinces of Arcot in the name of
the Nawab Mahomed Ali Khan, with whom we have been
so long allied. These requests were made by Major Carnac,
who was detached by Colonel Coote to escort the King to
the borders of the Province ; and the King wrote upon the
1 See ante, page 146.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: CHANGING NAWABS. 279
papers of requests that they should be granted whenever a
proper tribute was remitted. The Major transmitted to us
copies of the said papers of requests with the King's super-
scription^ and advised us at the same time that the King had
offered to confer on the Company the Dewani of Bengal on
condition of our being answerable for the Royal Revenues ;
but as we were sensible that our accepting of this post would
cause jealousy and ill-will between us and the Nawab, we
thought it more prudent to decline it. "^
The next moye of Nawab Cossim betrays tbe 5^^'??^ °f .
t' Nawab Cossim
same desire to get rid of English interference which HinduVrandees.
he had shown ever since he became Nawab. Clive
had put an end to rebelKons by giving guarantees
of protection to Hindu grandees. Mr. Vansittart
withdrew the guarantees. The subject was one of
bitter controversy at the time. The general letter
may be left to tell its own story : —
" In vour commands of the loth March 1761/ you have Non-interference
favoured us with your opinion in general as to our conduct Nawab's ser-
1 • 1 vants : question
With the country government. We are very happy in the as regards Ham
confidence you are pleased to express in our management,
and shall endeavour to conform to those views of economy
and good order you therein recommend. Our sentiments
with respect to protecting the servants of the country gov-
ernment agree perfectly with yours. Those who have re-
ceived such protections have proved in general false friends
to us, of which the transactions of Roy Doolub and Nuud-
comar,^ mentioned in our advices of last season, may be
^ This offer of the Dewani is a repetition of the offer already made to Clive.
In 1765 it was accepted by Clive, as will be seen in the account of his second
administration of Bengal. It was offered in 1761 on the condition that
the English would conduct Shah Alam to Delhi.
- Not at Calcutta.
* Roy Doolub was the Hindu Prime Minister of MeerJafRer; Nundcomar
was the Hindu Governor of Hughli. The lives of both, as well as that of
Ram Narain, had been guaranteed by Clive.
280 EAULY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
esteemed a proof. Those two, however, do remain under
our protection, but we shall take care that the number of
them does not increase. Our Select Committee^s address
of the 29th December 1759, which you take notice of,
does not mention the particulars of the engagements that
subsisted between Kam Narain [Nawab of Behar or Patna] ;^
nor can we find them anywhere. "We could, therefore, con-
strue them no otherwise than as justice and equity and the
constitution of the country would admit. We supposed
them accordingly to be of this nature, that he should have
the protection of the English as long as he should duly
give an account of his administration to the Subah^ of Mur-
shedabad, and be answerable to him for the revenues of the
Behar Province according to their real produce, or at least
according to the terras ag'reed with the late Nawab Jaflfier
Ali Khan, which were extremely easy. Upon this footing
we were determined still to support him, and sent orders
accordingly to Major Carnac early in the month of March,
which orders we afterwards repeated several times, and en-
deavoured to the utmost of our power to bring him to an
adjustment of his accounts with the Nawab [i. e., Subahdar
of Bengal] ; but more than four months having elapsed,
and none of his accounts delivered in, the Nawab grew ex-
tremely uneasy, and insisted on dismissing Ram Narain,
and placing another in the administration of the affairs of
the Behar Province in his room, which we thought improper
longer to oppose; and we were accordingly acquainted on
the 10th of August that Raj bull ub was appointed to that
Government. Ram Narain continues with the Nawab at
Patna, and we are infoi'med that since he was turned out
he has paid some part of the balance due from him.
' Ram Narain is styled Nawab in the records. Properly speaking, he was
Naib, or Deputy Nawab.
^ This was the name sometimes given to the Nawab. Properlj% Subalt
was the name of the province; the Governor was known as Subahdar. The
term "Subah of Murshedabad " is identical with that of Nawab of IJougal,
Behar, and Orissa.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: CHANGIXG NAWABS. 281
'^ It is with great concern that we must request your perusal Major Camac
of so larg-e a number of pages in our Consultation Book filled coote wished to
entirely with disputes which besran at Patna between Maior xarain, Govem-
1 1 TVT 1 /HT /-I • ^ 1 • in orofBehar,
Cavnac and the Nawab (Meer Cossim)^ and contmued after- against Meer
Cossim.
wards between Colonel Coote and the Nawab ; complamts
and remonstrances made by the Nawab in consequence ; and
dissents of nine of the Members of the Board from the
opinion of the majority on those subjects. In the Proceed-
ings of the Select Committee you will see the beginning, the
continuation, and we hope the end of these dissensions^ which
have been by so much the more disagreeable as in some
instances the great object of the Company^s interest and the
tranquillity of the country seems to be lost in unbecoming
personal invectives. By the examination which has been
made since into the NawaVs complaints laid before the Board
the 26th June, we imagine his fears on this head to have
proceeded from his uneasiness at our protection of Ram
Narain, and from the jealousy which many ill-disposed people
made it their business to excite in him by giving him secret
intelligence that we had a design to procure the Dewani for
the Company. ^
" As we all have the highest respect for the character of Regrets the
. „, 1I/-I dispute with
Colonel Coote, and a due sense ot how much the Company Coionei Cooie.
owe to his services, it has been a matter of particular concern
to as that anything should have happened in the course of
these disputes to give him uneasiness. We shall avoid repeat-
ing here anything that might tend to inflame the minds
afresh. "
The miscellaneoiTS incidents recorded in the AUsceiianeous
incidents.
general letter call for no preliminary explanation ;
the extracts may he left to speak for themselves : —
" By two vessels which have sailed lately for Pegu, the Troubles in
President wrote to the King (of Burma), and sent a trifling ^'^"■'"''•
present in order to obtain leave for the timbers to be brought
' The new Nawab, Meer Cossim, had already found out the design which
Colonel Ciive couimuniciited to Mr. Pitt. See aule, page 267.
282
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Distress anionof
French families
in Bengal.
State of affairs
with the Dutch
Remonstrance
with the Dutch
respecting the
West Coast.
Deputation of
Mr. Warren
llastiugH to
away from the Negrais. It would be much more agreeable
to us^ if an opportunity offered, to assert our rights after a
different manner, and demand satisfaction for the massacre
of Mr. Southby and the people who were with him ; but it
is vain to make such demands without being well able to
enforce them.
'^ " There being a great number of French families, chiefly
women and children, dispersed at Chandernagore, Chinsurah,
and Serampore, who, having spent what little they had left
after the capture of their settlement, were reduced to the
utmost distress, we could not help giving some attention to
the representation which was made to us ; and we hoj^e you
will approve of our resolution to divide amongst them for
their subsistence the sum of one thousand Arcot rupees per
month.
" We have this year had no disputes with the Dutch Gov-
ernment in Bengal ; but upon a vague report brought here
from out of their settlements upon the coast of a probability
of a war between England and Holland, they sent a deputa-
tion from their Council with a letter proposing our entering
into a neutrality in the Ganges. We wrote them in answer
that they were too hasty in giving credit to a report so ill-
founded; but, in case of such an event, our conduct must be
guided by the orders of our superiors.
'' Being informed of some unwarrantable proceedings of the
Dutch upon the West Coast of Sumatra since the capture of
your settlements there, and imagining that a representation
from hence, when their possessions are so much in our power,
may have weight with the General and Council at Batavia,
we have wrote a remonstrance to them, which we shall send
through the hands of the gentlemen of Bencoolen, and hope
it may be of use in preventing any interruption being given
by the Dutch in the re-establishment of your settlements.
They have indeed been suffered too long to tyrannize in that
part of India.
"The Nawab continues still in the Behar Province, and we
have reason to suspect that some busy persons have been
CALCUTTA RECORDS : CHANGING NAWABS. 283
endeavourinsj' to form out iealousies between us, and to fill ^"a^vab Meer
~ " _ / Cossim : question
him with apprehensions that we are not well inclined towards i'^i^e twenty
^ *^ _ _ lakhs, 1(62.
him. Our desire to preserve the tranquillity of the country,
and to discover the authors of this jealousy, have induced us
to depute Mr. Hastings on a visit to the Nawab to make
him those assurances on our part, to advise him to be careful
whose reports he trusts to, and to punish with severity any of
the people about him whom he finds to be endeavouring to
ci'eate a misunderstanding between us. Instructions for this
purpose being prepared, Mr. Amyatt proposed another clause
should be added, directing Mr. Hastings to demand of the
Nawab to pay to the Company the sum of twenty lakhs of
rupees, which he offered at the time the treaty was made him,
to present to the gentlemen of the Select Committee theu in
Calcutta. Messrs. Carnac, Johnstone, and Hay joined with
Mr. Amyatt in this clause ; but the President ^ objected to it,
and refused to join in it, because himself and the other gentle-
men of the Select Committee did absolutely reject this offer,
as he (the President) has often since mentioned, and particularly
in consultation 12th January 1761. He gave it therefore as
his opinion that neither the Company, nor he, nor any other
person, have any just claim upon the Nawab on account of
the said offer.^ The reasons of the several Members of the
Board in support of their respective opinions are entered on
the minutes of the consultations of the 22nd ultimo.^
" The President, referring to the 96th paragraph of your Disputes in the
commands of the 1st April 1760, — where you are pleased to
direct that all applications to, or disputes with. Country
Powers should pass through his authority alone, — observed to
the Board on this occasion that he thought his opinion in such
a ease ought to have more weight than the common voice of
■ a Member of the Board. This, however, was not admitted,
1 Mr. Henry Vansittaifc.
' This paragraph contradicts the statement of Mr. Mill, who asserts that
the twenty lakhs were actually divided.
3 Separate letter, dated 18th April 1762, not classified like the others. lu
same volume as general letter for 1761.
284 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
aud we are to request your directions on this subject. Also
that you will explain to us more particularly on what occasion
it is your meaning that Colonel Coote and Major Carnac
should be Members of the Boards as this also was a matter
of debate in consultation the 22nd ultimo.
Charge of "On the 27tli April we receiv^ed from Mr. Johnstone, then
Ram^""mnff''^^ at Jelasorc, a packet of letters intercepted by one of his
^u>pecte oi- servants which contained some letters under the seal of Ram
Churn, formerly the Banian of Colonel Clive, then of Colonel
Calliaud, and now of Mr. Vansittart. These letters were
addressed to Kunder Khan, the chief of the rebellious zemin-
dars in the Patna Province. In the same packet were letters
under the seal of Kunder Khan to E-am Churn in answer to
fore-mentioned, and some letters to other persons referriug- to
the same. Some circumstances appeared on the first enquiry
which made us suspect they were forged. We used our
utmost endeavours to come to a certainty by either discover-
ing the authors of the iuveution or the reality of the corre-
spondence, but could not succeed so fully as we could wish.
Time perhaps may bring it to light. In the meanwhile, we
have sent you our proceedings in this enquiry in a separate
book of consultations, which conclude with the opinions of
the different members upon the whole. It may not be
improper in this place to observe to your Honors, that the
manner of doing business in this country seems to be pur-
posely contrived to evade all enquiry; for the letters are never
signed, and are put under a cover which is secured only with
paste, and sealed with a seal which any engraver can counter-
feit. Thus, on the one hand, a guilty man has it in his power
to deny letters really his own ; and, on the other, an innocent
man is subject to be accused of having wrote letters which he
never saw. In such cases it is only from circumstances and
the views and interest of the person accused that a judgment
can be formed.
Bequests of Omi- "The latc Omichuud having left a considerable part of his
chunrl to the ....
Mairdaien and fortune to be laid out in charities in all parts of the world, his
Jtouuuliiig. •■ _ '
executor, Iluggcor Araul, has requested us to remit by this
CALCUTTA RECORDS : CHANGING NAWABS. 285
conveyance the sum of fifteen hundred current rupees^ or pounds
sterling one hundred and seventy-five, to the Governors of
the IMagdalen House, and the like sum to the Governors of
the Foundling Hospital, for the uses of those charities re-
spectively ; and further, that we would receive into your cash
the sum of thirty-seven thousand five hundred current rupees,
there to remain for ever, and the interest to be remitted
annually to the before-mentioned charities/^^
Meanwliile news of the proclamation of Shall Despatches from
, , the Court of
Alam as Kinsj of Delhi had reached the Court of directors review-
• o lug events.
Directors, and they proceeded to express them-
selves to the following effect : —
** Governor Hutchinson (Governor of St. Helena) informs us Newsof siiah
iha.i the Lord Ansoji left Bengal the 23rd of March, and ^ii st. Helena,
brought the news of the Shahzada^s being proclaimed Emperor;
that a faction, of which the late Delhi Vizier is at the head, had
set up a nephew of the Shahzada to oppose him ; and that it was
therefore supposed a detachment of the forces at Calcutta will
join and march to Delhi with the troops the Shahzada can
raise, and place him upon the throne. '^
" Although the Lord Anso?i has not yet arrived with your circumstances
advices, yet we have great reason, from the care Mr. Hutchinson Dire'ct^swouid
, ,1 , T i-i'jif 1 have helped Shah
always takes to send us any material intelligence he can Aiam.
collect upon the arrival of our shipping, that what we have
quoted from him as before mentioned is fact. We own, if
your endeavours for setting the Shahzada upon the throne of
his ancestors could be carried into execution without risk to
the Company, and at a moderate expense, it may secure him
in our interest, and be the means of settling the peace and
quiet of the kingdom ; but, as a transaction of this kind
depends upon many circumstances and unforeseen events, and
you have most probably already embarked in this under-
taking, we are entirely at a loss to give you any directions,
1 Separate letter dated 8th April 1761.
- Despatch, dated Loudon, 30th Septemher 1761. Postscript, dated 7th
October 1761.
286 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA
or even our sentiments thereupon^ in other than these g-eneral
terms^ that we hope you have acted, and will act, with the
utmost cautiou on oonsideriDg all circumstances with that
prudence and attention which au affair of such a serious and
important nature requires.
Remarks of the " This is the third revolution in Beng-al wherein the very-
Directors on,. -i c
Bengal revoiu- beino" 01 the Company has been, and from their consequences
tions in general. -ii i
may still be, at stake. Your advancing- Jaffier AH Khan
to the Nawabship in the room of Suraj-u-daula was un-
doubtedly a necessary measure, as well for the good of the
country in general as the interest of the Company in par-
ticular. Your afterwards deposing Jaffier Ali Khan and set-
ting Cossim Ali Khan in his room, we hope was done
also with the same view. Upon this presumption and con-
fidence that no other motives whatever had any influence
upon you, we must look upon the measures pursued upon
this occasion to be unavoidable. At the same time we cannot
help observing that it is to the great regard the Company
have always had to a faithful observance of their agreements,
they have acquired and hitherto preserved a reputation with
the Natives of India. We would have wished, therefore, the
situation of affairs would have admitted keeping terms with
Jaffier Ali Khan ; that even the least handle for a pretence
might not have offered to prejudiced people to make use of
to throw any reflections upon this transaction.
" It is strongly reported that Colonel Calliaud, with the
charged with an chuta Nawab [i.e., Meer Cossim)^ signed a paper offerinir
attempt to assas- ^ /a r r »
lada^ ^""^ ^*^^'*' ^ reward of Ks. 50,000, or some such sum, to several black
persons to assassinate the Shahzada. It is further reported
that this paper was carried to ISIr. Amyatt, the then chief
of Patua, for him to sign, which he refused as a most
infamous measure. It is also added that this very paper is
in the hands of a Say y id in Bengal. We have always had
the highest opinion of Colonel Calliaud, and have given
many proofs of our regard to his merit and services. But this
1 Meer Cossim was called Chuta Nawab, or Little Nawab, before he was
placed upon the throne of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa.
CALCUTTA RECORDS : CHANGING NAWABS. 287
is an imputation of so extraordinary and serious a nature
tliat we think it highly necessary it should be cleared up, as
well in vindication of Colonel Calliaud's character, as the
honor, good name, and interest of the Company, which are
essentially interested therein. We, therefore, positively direct
that you make the most strict and impartial enquiry into
this affair ; and, should it be possible that Colonel Calliaud
is guilty of such a crime (which we heartily hope will not
be the case), he is immediately to be dismissed our service
and sent to England by the first conveyance that offers.
But, should he be at Madras, and he proves guilty of what
is here laid to his charge, you are to signify these our orders
to our President and Council there, which are on no pretence
to be evaded.
" If Colonel Calliaud should, contrary to our hopes, be found Punishment if
. guilty.
culpable, you are to make our resentment of so high a crime
as public as possible, even to the Shahzada himself ; that all
the world may know how jealous we are of the honor and
reputation of the Company; and that we shall always, to the
utmost of our powerj preserve the same unsullied by the
severest resentment against any of our agents, of whatsoever
rank or station, who shall violate the same.
" Should any other Europeans, either in our service, or otherEuropeans,
• T T J J • 1 1 • if implicated, to
residing under our protection, be concerned in or accessory be punished in
to the crime imputed to Colonel Calliaud, they are also, ' ®™'''^'^®'"*
upon being found guilty, in like manner to be sent home
immediately; and, should any Natives of India be coucerned
therein, they are to be treated with the utmost severity.^
" In our letter of the 30th September last we gave you our compiaintsof
sentiments in general upon the late revolutions in Bengal, revolution!^*
since which we are further informed of the Shahzada^s defeat^
his throwing himself upon your protection, and the immense
expense of his maintenance out of the Comj)any^s money, of
no less than one thousand rupees a day, and of some views of
» It, will suffice to say that the necessary explanations were fnniished, and
that Colonel Calliaud was fully and honourably acquitted of the charges
brought against him.
288 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
placing him upon the throne of Delhi. It is alleged^ indeed,
that cave will be taken that the Nawab defrays the said daily
expense, which we hope will be the case, or at least that
some other certain means be fixed upon to reimburse that
expense aud all other expenses on his account.^ Upon a view
of the frequent revolutions, the great designs proposed to be
executed, and the consequent heavy expenses too justly to be
apprehended, we are filled with the utmost- anxiety lest the
events should turn out to the prejudice of our affairs; and, in
particular, the scheme of assisting the Shahzada, we hope
has been well considered, and, if entered upon, carried out
with that prudence as may leave no room to impeach your
conduct.^
Tranquillity in " It is from a quict situation of affairs only in Bengal that
desirable. wc Can hopc to liave the benefit of the large revenues we are
at present in possession of. A permanent tranquillity, there-
fore, must be the constant object in view ; for, extensive as
our territories and revenues are, they must be exhausted by
the army, which, by your treaty with the present Nawab, is
to be paid out of the produce of them.
Revenue of fifty '' The three districts granted to the Company by the treaty
lakhs veavly • , i , • i -kt ^ • n • i • f> t
under the treaty With tlic present JNawab, you say, will in time or peace, under
Cossimmost proper regulations, produce an annual revenue of fifty lakhs
and [upwards.^ This is a noble object and well worth your
utmost care and attention, more especially at this time, when
our wants are so great and our expenses so heavy. We shall
accordingly dej)end upon your taking such prudent measures
as may secure to us the quiet possession of those territories,
and the collection of the revenues to as large an amount as
may be consistent with tiie ability of the inhabitants, and
' The amount was paid by Nawab Cossim. The nionny was probably
spent for the purpose of securing letters of investiture of the post of Nawab
of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa.
2 General letter from 19th February 1762.
2 This was the estimated revenue of the three districts of Burdwan, Mid-
napore, and Cbittagong, which had been ceded to the Company by Meer Cossim
on his accession. Fifty lakhs, roughly stated, are equivalent to about half
a tniiliou sterling.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: CHANGING NAWABS- 289
tliat humane lenity which we would always have observed on
such occasions.
''It gives us pleasure to ohserve that the King- of the Real cause of the
•r» t 1 1 J ii -NT • i T inasj;aci-c of the
liurmas, who caused our people at the JNcgrais to be so KM?,'iish in
cruelly massacred, is since dead, and succeeded by his son,
wiio seems to be of a more friendly and humane disposition.
However, the intention of withdrawing all the remaining
people and effects from thence is a right measure, especially
as the country is so much involved in troubles as you represent
it. We have reason to think the late King would not have
proceeded to such a cruel extremity without some provocations.
The President and Council of Fort St. George, under whose
more immediate cognisance the affairs of that country falb
appear by their last advices to be making some enquiries into
the causes of the King's indignation against the English
We therefore defer giving our sentiments thereon until we
have the final result of those enquiries. We cannot omit
observing, however, that it has been alleged the people belong-
ing to some of the country ships had taken part with the
Peguers and behaved in a hostile and violent manner. We
hope by this time our President and Council have gone through
the enquiry ; and, if they find any truth in this allegation, that
the persons concerned have been duly censured, for we will
never suffer our affairs to be embroiled by the indiscretions
and bad conduct of private persons residing in India under
our protection. You will be informed from Fort St. George
whether any persons belonging to Calcutta have been any
way guilty in this affair, and we shall expect you will resent
this behaviour as it shall appear to deserve.
" It is very disagreeable to us to find so many pages in your nigWy dissatia-
diaries filled with dissents and disputes in the transacting disput'esNn'the
some interesting part of our affairs pointed out in your letter councu.
of the 13th November 1761. We have read and re-considei'ed
the whole very attentively, and must express the great dissa-
tisfaction it has given us to find our interest and the general
welfare lost in these warm altercations.^' ^
' Separate letter of 66 parus., dated 17lh December 1762.
T
290
EAELY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Fmther TliG foregoliig extracts may appear somewhat
despatches to
Dke^tMs"* tedious to modern readers, but they reveal the en-
ormous difficulties under which the English laboured
during this troubled period. The Court of Dii*ectors
were anxious that the conduct of their servants
should be governed by right princij^les, but they
were hasty in tlieu' conclusions. Meantime the
President and Board at Calcutta were despatching
further information to the Court of Du'ectors. The
extracts from the general letters to England tell
their own story : —
Eesuitsofthe " We acquainted Your Honors in our address of the 8th
wamn Hastings April that Mr. Hastings \vas g-one on a deputation to the
Nawab with a view chiefly to confirm the friendship between
us_, and remove some little aj^preheusions that we had reason
to imagine he had received from some false reports that had
been industriously spread in the country ; and with further
instructions from the majority of the Board to make a de-
mand of the twenty lakhs he had offered the President and
the other gentlemen present of the Select Committee at
the time of concluding the treaty for making him Nawab.
To the first of Mr. Hastings'" instructions, the Nawab
answered that the little disputes which fell out between
his people and ours, and which would sometimes unavoid-
ably happen, did not weaken his confidence in our friend-
sliip, upon which he rested his chief dependence. To the
second; he absolutely refused to comply with the demand
for twenty lakhs, urging that he had fulfilled all his engage-
ments, and was under no obligation to give such a sum or any
sum to the Company or any person whatever. For further
particulars we beg leave to refer your Honors to our corre-
spondence with Mr. Hastings during his absence, and the
memorial delivered to him by the Nawab, entered in Consul-
tation of the 14th June.^
' General letter. Fort William, 30tli Octobor 17G2.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: CHANGING NAWABS. 291
'' In Consultation of the 4tli October, the President sent to Pioposodainanec
,„ iij 1-11 11 • ^ o TvrTTi with the Rnjali of
the Board a letter winch he had received iiom Mr. Verelst Munipur a^aiust
_,, . . . ... 1 • 1 1 1 1 1 *'"^ King uf
at Chittagoug-, containing- an invitation which had been made Burma.
to him and his Council by the Rajah of Meckley^ to assist
him in obtaining redress for some grievance he complained to
liave suffered from the Burmas, and enclosing a j^aper of
articles of alliance which the Rajah had tendered to be
executed between him and us for this purpose; which letter
and articles of alliance being taken into consideration, it was
the opinion of the Board that the articles were very favour-
able, and that the opportunity would be no less so if we could
with propriety come into the scheme for obtaining- reparation
from the Burmas for the rej)eated ill-treatment of our factory
at Negrais ; but, as it was judged necessary and proper, before
we proceeded further, to call for the opinion of Colonel Coote
and Major Carnae upon the subject, the Secretary was ordered
to summon them to the next consultation.
"At our next consultation the Colonel (Coote) being indis- Application of
posed could not attend, but the President and Major (Carnae) luip to recover
being both present, the consideration of this affair was
resumed, when the President laid before the Board translates
of some letters which he had received from the King and
Shuja-u-daula, earnestly soliciting the assistance of a large .
body of troops to enable the King to gain possession of the
capital. This application, we are informed by a letter from
Mr. Ellis to the President laid before the Board at the same
time, has been, owing to a powerful alliance made by the
i'ormer Vizier, Ghazi-ud-din Khan," against Shnja-u-daula.
As we cannot yet foresee what revolutions and troubles may be
produced from this alliance, and how far the}' may affect Bengal,
we judged it improper for the present to detach any Europeans
to so distant a quarter as Meckley {i. e., Munipur) ; but it
being likeiwse thought prudent not to lose the opportunity of
contracting an alliance with the Rajah of Meckley, it was re-
iiolved to detach a force of six Companies of Sepoys, commanded
1 MeckU-y is u proviuce about 250 miles to the eastward of Chittagong,
and Money poor (i. e., Munipur) is the capital of the said proviuce.
2 Ghazi-u-din was tlie Vizier who put to death the fatlier of Shah Alain.
292 EAELY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
by three Officers, to take a post there, and nnder the
direction of Mr. Verelst or one of his Council, make them-
selves acquainted with the strength, nature, and dispositions
of the Burmas, and of this intelligence to send us advice, but
to proceed to no hostilities without our positive directions.
We are hopeful that this undertaking will open to us a road
for obtaining satisfaction for the man}" injuries we have
suffered from the Burmas ; and, in case nothing disturbs our
tranquillity to the northward, we shall eertainlj- embrace it.
Eepiy to Shah " In auswcr to the King's application for troops, the Presi-
Alam : Mr. Van- .. , .„.,._
sittart proposes dcut has wrotc him a complimentary letter, informing him of
Eeeiup the King . i i -i
atMoiighyr. his intended journey up the country, and that he will again
pay his more immediate respects to him when he arrives at
jMonghyr. When the President arrives there, he purposes
conferring with the Nawab on this subject; and, having by
this means gained time to be further informed of the views
and connections of the several chiefs, we shall pursue such
measures as shall seem most proper for preserving the tran-
quillity of these provinces, and securing the Company's
possession and interests under our care.
Mr. Vansittart '' With this vicw, as wcll as for the sake of a change of air,
ate M««r Cossiin. the President set out a few days past for Monghyr, where he
will have an interview with the Nawab, and conceit with
him the most necessary measures for obtaining those salutaiy
ends. This meeting, which the Nawab has frequently urged
and requested, will, we are hopeful, have the effect of remov-
ing entirely all those idle reports which a few busy people
have industriously propagated about the country, with the
design of alarming and making him uneasy; as likewise those
mutual jealousies which it has not failed to cause between our
people and the government in most parts of the country to
the interruption of the private trade.
Further cnqui- " In our addicss of the 8th April 1762 by the Godolphin,
Ties about Earn . „ , /> . i i i i i <•
Chum; impiica- WB informed you ot an enquiry we bad had before us concern-
eoomar in the ing a parcel of letters stopped on the road to Cuttack, and said
forfrcry*
to be a correspondence between Ram Churn and Kunder Khan ;
and in our packet by that ship we transmitted our proceedings
^
.>-^
CALCUTTA RECORDS : CHANGING NAWABS. 293
at length in the said enquiry. We remarked to Your Honors
in our said address that several sti-ong- circumstances appeared
to give reason to believe that the whole packet was a forgery.
Fresh circumstances appearing since to confirm the said belief,
we entered into a further examination of this matter, our pro-
ceedings wlierein are likewise transmitted in the Godolphin's
packet. This further examination has fully convinced us that
the letters were forged : and there is great reason to think that
Nundocoomar was contriver thereof, with a design of ruining
Ram Churn. We cannot say there are such direct proofs as to fix
the crime upon him with an absolute certainty; nor, indeed, is it
possible there should be positive proofs while he and his Mun-
shi (the only |)ersous supposed to be present when the letters
were forged) have resolution enough to persist in denying it.
" The before-mentioned Nundcoomar is the same person Dangerous
, • , -t !_• n • character of
who was convicted some time ago or carrymg on a corre- Nundcoomar.
spondence with the Burdwau Rajah of a nature inconsistent
with his duty and hurtful to your interest. We find also
that the same Nundcoomar was instrumental in carrying on
a correspondence between the Shahzada and the French
Governor General before the capture of Pondicherry. This in-
formation was given to the President, and by him being laid be-
fore the Board, was proved by such positive evidence as to leave
no room to doubt of the fact. The least we could conclude
upon such crimes was, that Nundcoomar, being a person
improper to be trusted with his liberty in your settlement, and
capable of doing mischief if he was permitted to go out of
this province, either to the northward or towards the Dekhan,
should therefore be kept confined to his own house under so
strict a guard as to prevent his writing or receiving letters."''
Subsequently the Court of Directors reviewed nespathcea from
iij_ •Till 1 ^^^ Directors.
tlie events above recorded at considerable length,
and exi)ressed themselves to the following effect' : —
" It gives us great pleasure to find that the country en- HigWy gratifi.d
joys a perfect tranquillity. We earnestly recommend that you tT!inquimt^/°aud
prosperity.
* General lettel with headings, Loudou, 8tb March 1763, 128 paras.
294< EARLY KECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
use your best endeavours to keep it so, as the only means to
secure to us the advantages we may hope for, and which
we have in some dec^ree experienced by the investment you
have made ; and in the ag-reeable assistance you have given
Madras and Bombay to furnish money for our China ships
which were to be despatched from them ; and as your senti-
ments respecting the conduct to be held towards the Country
Government, and adopted by 3'ou, coincide so fully with our
orders, we shall not enlarge on this subject.
An advance to '^ From the general view you have given us with respect to
Delhi woiald be .° • i i i i i •
most injudicions: your transactions With the Shahzada who has been proclaim-
the best policy -^ _ ^ n f> t
is isolation and ed King at Delhi, as well as from the several proceedings
neutrality. ^ \ _ .
on the same subject, which appear at large in your Select
Committee^s Diary, we observe Major Carnac and Colonel
Coote were both very solicitous to have engaged in the pro-
ject of accompanying the King to the capital with a body
of our forces. However, we are better pleased that the
King left the province without our being obliged to engage
in such a hazardous enterjirise ; and, had Colonel Coote's
regiment arrived before the urgency of the King^s affairs
required his [/. e., the King's] moving forward to the capital,
yet we should have hoped you would not, even then, have
been tempted to engage in so distant an undertaking, but
have contented yourselves with the right step you have taken
in treating that Prince with all due respect during his stay
in the Province of Bengal, and escorting him with a proper
force to the borders. For, in short, our sentiments are, that,
if we can secure our present possessions and privileges in
l^engal, preserve the peace of the province, and the Nawab
in the government, and prevent the borders from being
invaded or disturbed by the neighbouring Rajahs or other
Powers, we shall be fully satisfied, and think our forces judi-
ciously employed in answering these principal points. For
we are by no means desirous of making farther acquisitions,
or engaging our forces in very distant projects, unless the
most absolute necessity should require it to answer one or
other of the principal views before mentioned.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: CHANGING NAWABS. 295
" The Sunnuds being sent by the King* to the Nawab for NawabMeer
... Cossim ought to
the three provinces is a very agreeable circumstance. xJut have been better
... IT- supported in
althouo-h vou do not mention in the general advices any com- claiming the
^ -^ ... Sunnuds for
plaints that the Nawab made on his being obliged to pur- Bengal, Beiiar.
r o CT 1 jjQfj Onssa from
chase those grants at a much greater expense to him after shah Aiam.
the King passed the borders^ than he would have had to pay
for them while the King was at Patna, if the Nawab had been
properly supported in his pretensions by our Commanding
Officer then there, yet something of this appears in your
diaries ; and if true, surely our force and influence were not
so effectually applied as they might have been. And, al-
though we are unwilling to pass a censure on any particular
person on this point, yet we hope to have no occasion in
future even for a doubt that the interest of a Prince^ we are
so closely connected with by treaty has been slighted. For,
if the difficulties are multiplied upon him, and his power
and influence not supported by us when he wants our assist-
ance, he must suffer by such measures, as our interest must
likewise do in the end.
" Your refusal of the Dewani of Bengal offered by the Approve of the
retusal of the
Kinff was right, and we are well satisfied with the just and pe^ani offered
& i:^ ^ Dy ouali Alani ;
prudent reasons you give for declining that off'er. However, i^f^*;^^'^^ ***
it seems something extraordinary to us that, at the time the
King makes this advance, he should return the applications
made to him for the Sunnuds to confirm our privileges and
possessions in Bengal, in so loose and unsatisfactory a manner,
and even to require a present before he passes the order in
due form. The great services we had rendered His Majesty,
and the generous treatment he met with from us, as well as
from our ally the Nawab, during his stay at Patna, surely
claimed a more distinguished treatment, and at least a full
grant of our requests, without such an expensive demand
annexed. The time and manner of the refusal seems like-
wise very extraordinary; your applications being returned
at the very juncture Major Carnac was escorting him to the
Kiver Karamnassa, or borders of the province, a service which
Bv Prince is meant the Siibalidar or Nawab in Bengal.
296 EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
must then be fresh iu the King's memory; and therefore
there is reason to apprehend the Kin» is not so cordially
attached to us as we might have expected. However, if 3'ou
judge the obtaining such Suunuds to be absolutely neces-
sary, you have, we doubt not, continued your application
to have them perfected. It was a prudent consideration iu
you to add to your applications on this subject our ally the
Nawab of Arcot, which we suppose you have or will con-
tinue to do when you think it proper to move again in
this affair ; and if the King should succeed in his preten-
sions to the throne, the sooner the grants are obtained,
the less we apprehend will be the expense attending it.
gurpriscdat the ''We canuot Comprehend on what grounds the majority of
unwarrantable , ,-, ., i i i j_i t>
drmandof twenty the Couucil, Contrary to the remonstrances made by the rre-
lakhs from the . , i- n/i ttj_"
Nawab. sidcut against it, could venture to authorise Mr. Hastings
to demand of the Nawab in our name twenty lakhs of rupees,
upon the bare pretence that he had made an offer of that
sum to Mr. Vansittart and the Select Committee at the time
of making the treaty for his accession, and which had been
then so properly and so honorably refused. "We rejoice at the
just and spirited refusal he gave to that unwarrantable
demand.'
Full apologies to "And that wc may vindicate ourselves in the mind of the
NawabVn thT^^ Nawab from such unfavourable impressions which this demand.
Company. ^ ov other Unfavourable circumstances, must naturally have left
upon him, we direct that the President in your name do in
the most respectful manner by letter acquaint him that
we are truly sorry that the conduct of any of our servants
has given him umbrage, or created in him a moment's distrust
of the sincerity of our friendship ; that we totally disapprove,
and shall properly resent, all such misbehaviour ; and to
assure him that it is our most earnest wish, and our posi-
tive orders to you (which we strictly direct), that our
servants join him in every reasonable measure for his support
and welfare, and observe every engagement entered into
' Separate letter, dated Loudon, 13th May 1763.
CALCUTTA RECORDS : CHANGING NAWABS. 297
with him. You will acquaint him, likewise, that we shall
have the honor to give him these assurances by letter the
next oppoi'tunity j the ship Pitt being- upon the point of her
departure, we have not leisure to do it uow/''
It will be seen from the foregoing records that weak capacity
-« «- -XT- -111 p 1 ' , , • "' ^^'■' Vausit-
Mr. Vansittart was a man oi good mtentions. He '^'^*^-
had refused to receive any of the money offered
by Meer Cossim; yet Mill's History, on very
doubtful evidence, says that the twenty lakhs were
paid at the time, equivalent to two hundred
thousand pounds sterling, and that Mr. Vansittart
received five lakhs, or fiity thousand pounds. But
whilst Mr. Vansittart proves himself to have been
strictly honourable, it is certain that he lacked the
capacity and strong will of Clive. It is a grave
question whether he was justified in abandoning
Ram Narain to the tender mercies of the Nawab ;
as a matter of fact, the Hindu grandee was deprived
of all his wealth and put to death. Clive was
bitterly incensed at the violation of his guarantee ;
he declared that it set every Hindu in the three
provinces against the English.
CHAPTER X.
CALCUTTA EECORDS: PRIVATE TRADE.
gomastas.
Private (radc.
Extension of
private trade
inland.
A. D. 1763.
npHE next batch of Calcutta records refers to
-^ events quite as revolutionary as those connect-
ed with the change of Nawahs. It refers to proceed-
ings which were unquestionably lawless ; but the
lawlessness was not that of Europeans, but that
of their native agents or gomastas. This quaiTcl,
so petty in its rise, led to the most lamentable
results; to a war between the Enghsh and the
Nawab, which led to the dethronement of Meer
Cossun. and the restoration of Meer Jaffier.
The servants of the English Company derived
theii' chief wealth from then' private trade. Their
official salaries were almost nominal. They had
earned on this private trade in the eastern seas
from the earliest days of the British settlements
in India. Every one traded in some way or other,
from the governor of a settlement to the lowest
servant of the Company, not excluding the chaplain
and schoolmaster.
Hitherto this private trade had been confined to
the seaports. When the English became masters in
Bengal, they sought to extend it inland. They began
CALCUTTA RECORDS : PRIVATE TRADE. 299
to deal iu country commodities, such as salt, betel-
nut, and tobacco. They claimed to be free of all
duties of every kind, by virtue of the privileges
which had been guaranteed in unqualified language
by existing treaties.
When the Enghsh Company originally obtained En-iisi. flag and
from the Moghul the privilege of trading duty free,
the officers of the Navvab insisted upon searcliing
every boat and every person in the boat. Subse-
quently it was agreed that whenever the boat
showed the English flag and Company's dustuck or
permit, no search was to be made, and all goods
in the boat were to be passed duty-free.
After the battle of Plassey, the English had ^^ative respect
•^ ° tor the English
grown all-powerful in Bengal. The grandees bent
before them; the natives regarded them with re-
spectful awe. Ko one ventured to offer resistance.
Those who had the best reason to hate them were
the foremost to flatter and propitiate them, and
only plotted against them in dark and secret ways.
So long as Nawab Jaffier was reigning, every native
of position sought the favour and protection of the
English. T\Tien Jaffier was deposed, he refused to
stay at Murshedabad. He begged that he might
go either to Mecca or Calcutta ; he could not, he
said, be safe in Bengal excepting under English
protection.^ There are no traces of any complaint
of the harshness or injustice of the English ; their
honesty and good faith in all commercial dealings
1 Malcolm's Life of Clive, Vol. II, page 268, 7iote. When deposed, the
Kawal) wauted liis case to be referred to the judgiueut of Clive.
300
EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Native agents
or gomastas.
Complaints
against the
gomastas.
liad won general confidence. The Yizier at Dellii,
as already seen, was ready to entrust the collection
of the revenues of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa to
the English Company as represented by Clive/
It was not the English, but the native servants
of the English, that terrified the people of Bengal.
The employment of native agents or gomastas
was already familiar to the English. In 1753 the
Company had ceased to employ native contractors,
and had dealt direct with weavers and artisans
through the medium of these gomastas. The ser-
vants of the Company employed gomastas in like
manner to carry on the inland trade. The gomas-
tas were entrusted with the English flag and
Company's dustuck; they bought and sold duty
free. Under snch circumstances, the inland trade
of Bengal soon grew into a vast monopoly in the
hands of the servants of the Company and their
gomastas.
The monopoly was bad enough ; the conduct of
the gomastas was far worse. Native servants of
European masters are generally inclined to be pre-
tentious and arbitrary towards their own country-
men. It is easy to understand how they Avould
conduct themselves in remote districts, when in-
vested with the emblems of authority, and when the
English name was regarded with awe. Bengallces
of no character or position, who had been seen at
Calcutta walking in rags, were sent out as the
* Hee ante, page 268.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PRIVATE TRADE. 301
gomastas of English merchants, factors, or wi'iters.
They assumed the dress of English sepoys, lorded
it over the country, imprisoned ryots and mer-
chants, and viTote and talked in an insolent man-
ner to the Nawab's officers. Nawab Cossim com-
plained that the gomastas plundered his people,
injured and disgraced his servants, and exposed his
government to contempt. The gomastas, he said,
thought themselves the equals of the Company.
In every district, village, and factory they bought
and sold salt, betel-nut, ghee, rice, straw, bamboos,
fish, ginger, sugar, tobacco, opium, and other native
conmiodities. They forcibly took away the goods
of ryots and merchants for a fourth part of their
value, and obliged the ryots to give five rupees for
articles which were not worth one.'
Nawab Jaffier never ventured to make such com- pretensions ot
TIP Kawab Cossim.
plaints. He depended solely upon the English tor
support ; he was the nominee of the English ; with-
out them he was nobody and nowhere. Nawab
Cossim had taken warning by his example to sever
liimself as much as possible from the Enghsh. He
had withdrawn to Monghyr, secured letters of in-
vestitm-e from the King, disciplined his army,
-wTcaked his vengeance on the grandees who had
been protected by the English in the time of
Nawab Jaffier, and was in every respect prepared for
the collision. He still made a show of friend-
sliip towards Governor Vansittart and Warren
1 Vei-elst's View of Bengal.
302 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Hastings, a member of the Board. He ordered his
officers not to hinder the gomastas of his friends,
but to thwart the gomastas of his enemies. He
raised the question of whether the Company's ser-
vants had the right to carry on the inland trade
duty free. No doubt he had the abstract right to
levy duties as an indei:)endent ruler; but he had
abandoned this right by treaty ; and no exception
whatever had been made as regards the duties on
inland trade. It would have been expedient for
the English servants of the Company to have
abandoned that right, but in so doing they would
have sacrificed the bulk of their incomes for the
public service, and this was the point on which the
question mainly turned.
The records may now be left to tell the progress
of the struggle : —
b t'tw™nThe°"° " "^^^ President having- laid before tlie NawaL the complaints
KbVofficers of tl^e gentlemen of Chittagong-, Dacca, and Luckipoie, con-
ffidS^^ cerning- the stoppage of several of their boats at different
chokeys (?'. e., custom houses), also received from him a
multitude of complaints from his (the Nawab's) officers in
several parts of the country against the English gomastas,
but particularly those at Rungpoor, Silhet, Rangamutty,
and other distant parts of the country, employed chiefly in
the trade of salt, tobacco, betel-nut, and some few other
articles of inland trade, which he urged we were restrained
from before the troubles. The Nawab enlarged much upon
the detriment his revenues suffered by the authority exercised
by our gomastas in carrying on their trade in those distant
parts, where we bad no government to restrain them, and
his was too weak to do it; urging fiually that he thought we
had no right to deal in those articles.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PRIVATE TRADE. 303
" The President and Mr. Hasting-s beinw' of opinion that the Discussion in
, . , , . ^ . the Hoard : all
trade in such articles oui^'ht not to be carried on to the preiu- the ijire.iors
r, , /-, , /^ J T 1 Bumnioued to
dice or the revenues or the Country (jovernment, and that Calcutta.
rules should be laid down for the conduct of our gomastas
and the officers of the Government, respectively, proposed to
the Nawab articles for this purpose. The Nawab declined
binding himself by these articles, but represented again in
a letter to the President, just before his departure from
Monghyr, the grievances before mentioned; and the Presi-
dent wrote him an answer concerning the regulations before
proposed, and some other articles, and assuring him that
the inland trade should be carried on upon that footing
only, and our gomastas to be subjected in the manner
therein mentioned to the officers of the Government. The
rest of the gentlemen of the Council at Calcutta did not
approve of the articles proposed in the letter before mentioned
from the President and Mr. Hastings, nor of the President's
letter to the Nawab, which had been transmitted them from
the factory at Dacca, and determined, therefore, to call all the
members of the Board to Calcutta, excepting those at Patua
and Chittagong, whose great distance would make it incon-
venient, that they might consider this affair. Certain it is,
the officers of the Country Government have made a very ill use
of the concessions made in their favour, and the restraints laid
upon our agents and gomastas, as they have in many places
stopped our trade entirely, and grossly insulted our agents
and gomastas. The members of the Board called down on
this occasion being arrived, we shall take this affair into con-
sideration tomorrow, and lay down such rules for carrying on
the inland trade, and for the conduct of our gomastas towards
the Country Government, as shall appear most equitable and
expedient for removing the grievances of both parties. In the
meantime the President has represented strongly to the Nawab
the insolence of his officers, and told him that till full and
sufficient regulations are agreed on, our trade in any articles
must not be interrupted ; and if any attempts are made to the
contrary, we shall use our own force to remove all such ob-
structions."
804
EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Meeting of the
full Board at
CalfMitta.
Consultations,
15th February :
IVIajors Adams
and Carnac
Bummoned.
Measures for
preventing
disorders during
the interval.
Consultations,
19th February:
translation
ordered of all
Finnans, Hus-
boolhookuiTis,
and Treaties.
Under the foregoing circumstances a full Board of
all the members of Council was held at Calcutta.
The proceedings began in February 1763 and lasted
till the foUomng April. The following extracts
from a letter sent to the Court of Directors, dated
18th April 1763, will explain the nature and scope
of the Consultations : —
" Previous to our entering" upon business, motions were made
for summoning- Major Adams and Major Carnac to sit at the
Board on this occasion ; which motions being- approved by
the majority, those g-entlemen were accordingly summoned.
" Major Adams, being then at the cantonments near Ghy-
rottee, could not be present that day. All that we concluded
therefore at this meeting was, upon a due and serious con-
sideration of the several letters received, to issue orders to
the different subordinates, instructing them, until they should
receive our further directions, to carry on both the Company^s
and private business in the same manner as before, payino-
such duties on certain articles in the latter branch as they
usually did pay previous to the late regulations ; and on this
footing to prevent, as far as possible, any violence being
committed either by our people or the Governments; but
that, if any such insolencies should be attempted as to oblige
them to make use of force, to endeavour to seize the principal
person who might have thus endeavoured to injure us. And
to prevent all pleas of ignorance, which might in such cases
be urged on the part of the Government, the President at
the same time wrote circular letters to the several Foujdars,
informing them, as far as was necessary, of these regulatit)ns
and orders.
" We met again on the 19th with an intention to consider
the first article of the said plan compared with our Firmans
riusboolhookums, and subsequent Treaties; but many of
these exact translations being previously required to enaf)le
us to judge properly on the question, we ordered translations
to be accordingly prepared, and for that day proceeded on
CALCUTTA RECORDS : PRIVATE TRADE, 305
the second article of the plan, relative to the Nawab's having
shut up one of the gates of the city o£ Patna and ran an
entrenchment into the river, which prevented the tracking of
boats on the side of the factory. Our opinions and deter-
nduation on these points, as well as regarding a gunge or
wharf belonging to the said factory, which the Nawab wanted
to remove, are entered at large on the face of the consultation,
to which therefore we refer you.
" The tiauslatious and other necessary papers ordered to be Consultations,
prepared being laid before us, were entered on the face of nTatter in dispute
the next consultation agreeable to the order in which they tions.
were read ; and, being likewise fully considered and debated
on at the Board, the substance of the whole was reduced
into a set of questions, on which the several members were
desired to deliver in their opinions in writing against the
Tuesday following.
" Accordingly, they were delivered in ; and it was found to consultations
be the opinion of the majority that, from the tenour of our majority agreed
Firmans, Husboolhookums, and Treaties, we had an absolute from aii duties :
ri-'ht to carrv on our trade, as well toreijiii as inland, m the salt to the
" . Nawab.
Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, by means of a dustuek
(or permit) free of all duties or customs to the Country Govern-
ment. But that the Nawab might have no room left for
complaint, or to think that we intended pressing our rights
harder upon him than we had done on former Nawabs, it was
agreed to continue to him a certain consideration in the article
of salt. And by the sum of the answers to the question,
' What that consideration should be ?' It was resolved, in
consultation of the 2i)d March, to allow him 2^ per cent,
upon the Hughly market price ; and that salt was the only
article of trade which should pay any customs whatever to the
Country Government.'
1 The Consultations for 1762-63, which have been preserved in the Home
Office, are in a very imperfect state. The correspondence and minutes are
not entered in the Consultation volumes, but are only preserved in the
bundles, and much is wanting. It appears, however, that the Firmans from
the King had granted to the English Company absolute freedom fiom all
duties; that these terms had beeu agreed to, both by Jaffier Ali Khan and
U
306 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Merits of the " Tliis being become here an establisbed and fixed resolution^
ted to"tUDi™c- it now remains with Your Honors to judge of the justness of
it, as well as of the validity of the arguments made use of
on both sides on the occasion.
Consnitations, '' Having determined that our gomastas or agents should
regulations for bo uudcr no actual control of the officers of the NawaVs
straint of Government, but restrained by certain regulations which should
English agents ■,-••■• ^ -, -• ■• , i,-
and theNawab's be laid Qown, wc proceeded to settle such regulations as we
thought necessary for restraining accordingly our agents and
gomastas from interfering with any affairs of the Country
Government, injuring the people or being injured by them,
and for deciding disputes which might arise between them.
For these ends we determined that a gomasta being ag-
grieved by any dependant upon the Government should first
make his application to the officer of the Government residing
on the spot; from whom, if he did> not receive immediate
satisfaction, he should send his complaint to the Chief of the
nearest factory, who should be empowered to take cognisance
of the same, and demand or exact, if necessary, the satisfaction
which the case might require. On the other hand, where the
Government's people should have reason to complain against
English gomastas or agents, we determined that they should
be directed to give the said agent or gomasta notice of the
complaint in writing, and require and recommend liim to turn
Cossim All Khan; that Mr. Vansittart had given np these privileges, ex-
cepting as regards goods hought for exportation ; that he had agreed that
English merchants should pay a duty of nine per cent, ad valorem to the
Nawab on all articles of inland trade, such as salt, tobacco, and betel-nut ;
and that he had suggested that all complaints should be settled by the
Nawab's own officers.
The majority of the Board over-ruled these proceedings of Mr. Vansittart.
It was urged that he had no right to abandon privilesres which had been
freely granted. The idea of having questions settled by the Native Courts
was especially denounced. If an Englishman or his agent gained a suit he
would be obliged to pay the expenses of the Court, plus a chout of twenty-
five per cent, on the money recovered. If he refused to pay, he never gained
another suit, as it could then be the interest of the Native Judge to decide
against him. Native merchants were sensible of the impossibility of carrying
on business under such restrictions, and purchased the protection of some
higher native ofliciul.
CALCUTTA KECOEDS: PRIVATE TRADE. 307
to settle the same In an equitable and amicable manner ; which
if the gomasta or agent should refuse or neglect to do^ that
the Government's oflfieer should then transmit an account of
it to the Chief of the nearest English factory, who should be
required to examine strictly into the affair, and decide it ac-
cording to justice. Likewise, to render the whole everywhere
effectual, we appointed a member of the Cossimbazar Factory
Resident at Rungpoor, to take cognisance of the complaints
and decide the disputes which might arise in the districts
"too distant from any of the established factories, and who
should, at the same time, carry on and endeavour to improve
the Company's silk investment made at that place.
" During the course of these deliberations, the President Mr. Vansittart's
Wrote irequently to the JNawab, nrst, to miorm him that the with the xawitb,
1 ,• 1 1 1 111 ,1 1 1 7th March.
regulations he had proposed could not take place, and
afterwards, of the many complaints which arrived from all
quarters against his ofiicers, and for which we should expect
to receive ample reparation. The first answer of any con-
sequence to these letters arrived with us in Council the 7th of
March. In the one of them he contained his answer with
respect to trade in three propositions or demands, which are
extracted and entered at length in the body of the consulta-
tion.i In the other there appeared throughout a general
disinclination to give us any satisfaction for the interruptions
and ill-usage which we had received from the officers of his
Government. And both letters, on the whole, seemed rather
an evasion than any answer to the President's representation.
" It was, therefore, agreed that a letter should be imme- Deputation of
,., ,. .. .. Pi'iii - Messrs. Amyatt
diately wrote him^ containing our opinion or his letters, and and Hay to the
1 The three demands of the Nawab are set forth in a letter entered upon the
Consultations of the 7th March 1863. They were to the following effect : —
(1). — That the Nawab should correspond only with the President and have
nothing to do with the other members of the Board.
(2), — That the English should abstain from all inland trade, and confine
their trade to exports and imports.
(3). — That the English gomastas or agents were to be anienuble to his
(the Nawab' s) own oflicers.
308
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Question of
corresponding
tliroiigh the
President or
tliroiigli the
whole Board.
Abolition of all
dutit-H l)y the
N:iwab,
22nd March.
giving bim a full account of wbat had hitherto been resolved
on by the Board in consequence of the reference made to the
Firmans, Husbulhookums, and Treaties, by the tenour of which
the Board were determined to abide. It was at the same
time resolved that Messrs. Amyatt and Hay should be de-
puted to the Nawab, to explain to him more fully the justice
of those rights and pretentions, and settle with him the rule
for levying the custom which we had agreed should be paid
him ; and that for the former purpose they should be furnish-
ed with copies of the said Firmans, Husbulhookums, and
Treaties. Of this resolution likewise the Nawab was now
advised ; and further acquainted that, as we should examine
into all the complaints against English agents and gomastas
and cause them to make amends for whatsoever injustice it
might appear they had committed, so we should insist upon
justice against all those officers of his Government who
might prove guilty of the obstructions and extortions laid
to their charge, and that they should be obliged to make
reparation for all losses occasioned thereb}'-.
" As the first of the before-mentioned propositions from the
Nawab implied an ignorance of the nature of our Govern-
ment, and the powers of the Council, Mr. Johnstone moved
that a public letter should be wrote to him, explaining these
points, and re-demanding the President's letter, which con-
tained the regulations ; and that such letter should be signed
by the whole Board, and go under the Company's seal. But
the majority of the Council dissenting to the latter part of
this motion, it was agreed that the point mentioned by
Mr. Johnstone should be expressed in two additional para-
graphs to the letter before ordered to be wrote under the sign
and seal of the President.
"On the 32nd March Mr. Johnstone laid before the Board ■
copy of a sunnud and perwanna of the Nawab's which he
had received in private letters from Patna, the former contain-
ing an exemption of all duties whatever within his Govern-
ment for the space of two years, and the latter to the Naib
CALCUTTA RECORDS : PRIVATE TRADE. 309
of Patna enjoining- the strictest compliance with the term of
this suunud. On these Mr. Johnstone desired the opinions of
the Board might be eollected^ and a resolution come to before
Messrs. Amyatt and Hay should proceed on their deputation.
" This was accordingly done next council day, for the Consuitationg,
maiority of the Board being- of opinion that the Nawab as determination to
. , 1 • 1 remonstrate
Subah had no authority to take such a step; that it was done wuuthe Nuwab.
with a view to prejudice the Company^s business, and counter-
act the measures which the Board had been taking- for the
welfare of trade in general ; it was therefore resolved that a
paragraph should be added to Messrs. Amyatt and Hay^s
instructions, directing them to represent this to the Nawab,
and insist upon his revoking the suunuds and collecting
duties as before.
" Messrs. Amyatt and Hay now remained ready to set out consultations,
'' •' "' _ 30Mi JNIareh :
when the NawaVs answer should arrive: but, on receipt Nawab refuses to
^ ^ receive the
thereof, it was found to contain rather a refusal than an deputation,
acceptance of the visit, so far as we should regard the public
business, from a conception, that his having abolished all
kinds of duties rendered any further conference or regula-
tions respecting trade altogether unnecessary. The further
substance of his further letters congested is a repetition of his
former remonstrances and retorts, and a refusal to give us the
satisfaction required for the losses sustained by the disturb-
ances. The several members were therefore desired to deliver
in their opinions on those letters, whether they thought
Messrs. Amyatt and Hay should proceed, or what other
measures should be taken to bring these disputes to a con-
clusion.
" Accordingly, in consultation, the 1st of April, the opinions consultations,
were e-iven in and read : and the matter beinfj also fully con- deputation sent
sidered and debated on, it was resolved, in conformity to the Nawab toid that
•NT 11111 • • his refusal might
voice of the maiority, that the Nawab should be ag-ain written b"ng on a
rupture.
to, to insist on his receiving the intended deputation for treat-
ing upon business ; and that Messrs. Amyatt and Hay should
proceed to and wait his answer at Cossimbazar. The Presi-
dent therefore addressed him, under that date, representing
310 EAELY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
the indecent sfyle of his letters and the impropriety of his
conduct; that these had beeu already such as would fully
justify our comings to a rupture : but, to show him how distant
such a proceeding was from our thoug-hts, we acquainted him
at once with our intentions that, with a view of settling- the
disputes in the country in the most effectual and speedy
manner, and to avoid coming to extremities, we deputed
Messrs. Amyatt and Hay to confer with him at Alonghyr ;
and that this commission treated on many other points,
besides that of duties, tending to the welfare of his Govern-
ment, as well as the Company's. That he accordingly ought
to regard such au appointment as that of two gentlemen of the
Board as the strongest mark of our friendship and confidence
paid him ; and that it therefore behoved him to write us
immediately that he would receive the deputation in a suitable
manner to treat upon business. That, if he refused so reason-
able a demand, it would not be in our power to remove the
suspicions and jealousies which he harboured in his mind;
and, as the alarms in all parts of the country must be attended
with very great loss and detriment, both to his affairs and the
Company's, that a breach of the friendship between us would
infallibly ensue. That we once more assured him of our
hearty resolution to support and assist him in every branch of
his Government ; but that if he refused to receive the pre-
sent deputation, it would be regarded in no other light than a
declaration on his side of his intention to cume to a rupture
with us.
Consultations, " Sincc the departure of Messrs. Amyatt and Hay, we have
Nawab rcccivcd two morc letters from the Nawab, in- one of which
persistently , -hit •• i i-
refu8e«to receive he still dccunes receivmg' those grentlemen upon busmess for
the deput*tioii. .
the reasons he had before given. But, as we had already
resolved to be determined in our measures from the answer
which he shall send to our letter of the 1st April, we thought
it unnecessary to reply to those, and only transmitted copies
of them to Messrs. Amyatt and Hay for their information.
S.Vc'Se'T'" " ^^ o"^ ^^ *^'^ President's letters to the Nawab he had
Mr'tiiu. desired him to write what particular accusations he had to
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PRIVATE TRADE. 311
lay to tlie charge of Mr. Ellis ; as also to point out to him
any particulur instances of the losses which he had sustained
through the oppression and bad behaviour of English gomas-
tas. But we find from his answer, which is one of the
above letters, that all he has to allege against Mr. Ellis, are
the complaints which happened in the course of last year; and
as to the last he refuses to discuss the affair further.^'
The most important point in the foreffoinsr conrt ot cirec
^ o o ^Qpg condemn the
extracts is the action taken by the Nawab to evade <^*"^""a Board.
the pretensions. The English persisted in main-
taining the privilege of carrying on the inland
trade without the payment of duties. The Nawab
abolished the payment of all duties for the space
of two years. By thus abandoning all duties he
broke up the monopoly by placing the native mer-
chants on the same footing. No one could deny the
right of the Nawab to aboKsh duties, excepting
such as were blinded by their own interest. The
Court of Directors, having no interest whatever
in the question, were enabled to see the matter in
a just light. They strongly condemned the action
taken by the Board at Calcutta. They administered
rebukes to almost every one excepting Vansittart
and Warren Hastings. The following extracts will
sufficiently illustrate their feeKngs at this time : —
*' Unwilling as we always are to place too much confidence The Nawab to be
. -i-e i- 1 l^ j_ • L 1 1 informed accord-
in private luiormations, yet these are too important to pass ingiy.
unnoticed. If what is all stated is fact, it is natural to think
that the Nawab, tired out and disgusted with the ill-usage
he has received, has taken this exti'aordinary measure, finding
that his authority and government ai'e set at nought and
trampled upon by the unprecedented behaviour of our
servants and the agents employed by them in the several
312 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
parts of the Nawab^s dominions. If we are right in our
conjecture, we positively direct, as you value our service, that
you do immediately acquaint the Nawab, in the Company's
name, that 'we disapprove of every measure that has been
taken in real prejudice to his authority and Government,
particularly with respect to the wronging him in his revenues
by the shameful abuse of Dustucks ; and you are further
to inform him that we look upon his and the Company's
interest to be so connected that we wish for nothing more
than to have everything put on such a footing that the
utmost harmony may be promoted and kept up between us.^
Colonel Caiiiaud "Having considered with the greatest attention every cir-
acquitted. cumstancc of your proceedings with respect to the allegation
against Colonel Caiiiaud for consenting to a proposal of the
late Nawab Jaffier Ali Khan to cause the Shahzada to be
seized or cut off, we are unanimously of opinion that he
stands honourably acquitted of any design or intention upon
or against the life of that Prince.
Disapproval of "Although wc havc not received any letter from you since
taken ag-ainst that which borc date the 14th February 1763, which gave us
some general account of veiy disagreeable altercations with
the Nawab, yet private advices have been received which
take notice that the Nawab having made repeated complaints
of the notorious abuse of Dustucks by which he lost great
part of his customs, and having obtained no redress, he at
once overset the Company's servants by declaring ali goods
custom free, so that their Dustucks are of no use.
AiHheNawab'8 "In ordcr to promotc this harmony, you are most heartily
fedjesseT " '^ and scriously to take under your consideration every real
grievance the Nawab lays under, to redress them to the
utmost of your power and prevent such abuses in future.
And, with respect to the article of Dustucks in particular, you
are hereby positively directed to confine this privilege as
nearly as possible to the terms granted in the Firmans; and
you are to give the Nawab all the assistance you can to
> Sepnrate letter, London, 30tL December, 1763.
CALCUTTA RECORDS : PRIVATE TRADE. 313
reinstate him in the full power of collecting- and receiving
his revenues, which as Subah he is justly entitled to.
" We are impatient for your next advices, that we may be impatient for
informed of your proceedings with respect to this important intelligence.
affair, and that we may give you our sentiments thereupon
in a more full and explicit manner, which we hope will be
before the despatch of our last letters this season.
" One ffreat source of the disputes, misunderstandings, and Private trade
~ •■- , the chief cause
difficulties which have occurred with the Country Government, of aii the mis-
•^ understandings
appears evidently to have taken its rise from the unwarrant- wththeNawab.
able and licentious manner of carrying on the private trade
by the Company's servants, their gomastas, agents, and
others, to the prejudice of the Subah, both with respect
to his authority and the revenues justly due to him, the
diverting and taking from his natural subjects the trade
in the inland parts of the country, to which neither we nor
any persons whatever dependent upon us, or under our pro-
tection, have any manner of right, and consequently en-
dangering the Company's very valuable privileges. In order,
therefore, to remedy all these disorders, we do hereby posi-
tively order and direct —
" That, from the receipt of this letter, a final and effectual ah inland trade
• 1 . 1 •! 1, T- ijiii 11 to be abolished.
end be forthwith put to the inland trade in salt, betel-nut, to-
baccos, and in all other articles whatsoever produced and con-
sumed in the country; and that all Europeans and other
affents or gomastas who have been concerned in such trade
be immediately ordered down to Calcutta, and not suffered
to return or be replaced as such by any other persons.
" That as our Firman privileges of being duty free are cer- Export and
, i_i' i.i.1 impiirt trade
tainly confined to the Company s export and import trade aione to be duty
only, you are to have recourse to, and keep within, the liberty
therein stipulated and given as nearly as can possibly be
done. But, as by the connivance of the Bengal Government
and constant usage, the Company's covenant servants have
had the same benefit as the Company with respect to their
export and import trade, we are willing they should enjoy the
same, and that Dustucks be granted accordingly. But herein
814
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
All agents to be
abolisi ed. All
trade to be
carried on
through the
Company's
Factories.
All persons
acting contrary
to firders to be
dismissed the
service.
Nundcoomar to
be kept under
BurveitlaDce.
the most effectual care is to be taken that no excesses or
abuses are suffered upon any account wliatsoever, nor Dustucks
granted to any others than our covenant servants as afore-
said. However, notwithstanding" any of our former orders,
no writer is to have the benefit of the Dustuck until he has
served out his full term of five years in that station. Free
merchants and others are not entitled to or to l)ave the
benefit of the Company ^s Dustucks, but are to pay the usual
duties.
" A*s no agents or gomastas are to reside on account of
private trade at any of the inland parts of the country, all
business on account of licensed private trade is to be carried
on by and through the means of the Company's Covenanted
Servants, resident at the several subordinate Factories, as has
been usual.
" We are under the necessity of giving the before-going
orders in order to preserve the tranquillity of the country and
harmony with the Nawab. They are rather outlines than
com{)lete directions, which you are to add to, and improve
upon, agreeably to the spirit of, and our meaning in, them,
as far as may be necessary to answer the desired purpose.
And, if any person or persons are guilty of a contravention
of them, be they whomsoever they may, if our own servants,
they are to be dismissed the service; if of others, the Com-
pany's protection is to be withdrawn, and you have the option
of sending them forthwith to England if you judge the
nature of the offence requires it.
" From the whole of your proceedings with respect to Nuud-
coomar, there seems to be no doubt of his endeavouring by
forgery and false accusations to ruin Ramchuru, that he has
been guilty of carrying on correspondence with the Country
Powers hurtful to the Company's interest, and instrumental
in conveying letters between, the Shahzada and the French
Governor General of Pondicherry. In short, it appears that
he is of that wicked and turbulent disposition that no har-
mony can subsist in a society whore he has the opportunity
of interfering. We therefore most readily concur with you,
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PRIVATE TRADE. 315
that Nundcoomar is a person improper to be trusted with his
liberty in our settlements, and capable of doing* mischief if
he is permitted to go out of the province, either to the
northward or towards the Dekhan. We shall therefore
depend upon your keeping such a watch over all his actions as
may be the means of preventing his disturbing the quiet of
the public or injuring individuals for the future. ^
" We are well pleased that you have engaged no further oiad that no
in assisting the Rajah of Meclcley {i. e., Munipur) for tothrRafah*of
obtaining redress for some grievances he complained to " ^^"p^"""
have suffered from the Burmas. For, although the advan-
tage offered by the Rajah may be specious, and you might
have an opportunity of getting redress for the repeated
ill-treatment of our settlement at the Negrais, yet the dis-
tance of the object, the general weakness of our forces, and
the uncertainty of success, surely are sufficient reasons for
not proceeding upon new hostilities. We do not disap-
prove, however, of your ordering the detachment of six com-
panies of sepoys to take part at Munipore under the direc-
tion of the Chief and Council of Chittagong ; provided it •
may have been the means of cultivating a friendship with
the said Rajah, and giving you an opportunity of being
acquainted with the strength, nature, and dispositions of the
Burmas; that such future use may be made of these cir-
cumstances as may be really and essentially necessary for the
Company's interest, and on no other account whatsoever.
But we shall still be always well pleased with and applaud
your endeavours for opening any new channels of commerce.'"*
It would be tedious to proceed further with the current errors.
extracts. It will suffice to briefly refer to the man-
ner in which the question was misunderstood in
England. There was no question as to the treaty
right of the English to trade free of duty. There
may have been a question whether the right was
J General letter, London, 22nd J\xly 1764.
316
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Treaties only
hiirripcl agree-
meuts.
Necessity for
a dictator.
Snspecta the
Eogliah.
conferred only upon tlie trade of the Company, or
whether it extended to the private trade of the
Company's servants. But that was a question
which did not affect the Nawab. The Company
ask with some inconsistency why they, the masters,
had not been allowed to share in a trade which had
become so lucrative to their servants. But that
was a paltry dispute between master and servant,
with which history has nothing to do.
The plain truth was that the so-called treaties were
mere agreements patched up on the eve of a revolu-
tion. The English were in a position to demand
anything ; the Nawab expectant could refuse no-
thing. There was not even a show of deliberation,
for there was no time to haggle over terms. The
term " duty free " meant anything or everything.
The crisis was one of those epochs in histoiy
when nothing could stop the quarrel but the strong
arm of absolute power. Had Clive been in Bengal,
he would have made himself arbiter in the dispute ;
and both the Nawab and the English would have
been compelled to submit to his dictation. As it was,
the moderate counsels of men like Yansittart and
Warren Hastings were thrown to the winds, be-
cause they were wanting in authority. No one
heeded them ; both parties were bent on effecting
their respective objects by force of will.
Meantime Meer Cossim began to suspect the de-
signs of the EngUsh. He had inklings of the nego-
tiations between the English and the young King,
Shah Alam. He knew that Vansittart and Warren
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PRIVATE TRADE. 317
Hastings were supporting his pretensions. Doubt-
less lie ascribed their conduct to weakness ; especially
when he saw that the English Governor was thwart-
ed by a majority of his own Council, an opposition
which few Asiatics in the eighteenth centuiy could
have been made to understand.
Meer Cossim must have been more sure of the sup- Reiiar.ce of the
Hindu grandees.
port of his grandees than his immediate predecessor.
He had despoiled some of the high Hindu officials ;
but the blame fell upon the English, who permitted
him to break the guarantee which had been given
by Clive. The Hindu grandees were estranged from
the English by the withdrawal of the guarantee ;
and community of interests led them to make com-
mon cause with the Nawab. Meantime the quarrel
of the Nawab with the English only served to
strengthen his position. The people were regarding
the English as their oppressors, and looking to the
Nawab for protection.
CHAPTEE XI.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PATNA MASSACRE.
A. D. 1763.
Siit" A ^ ^^^ time the English never contemplated
•^^ meeting any real resistance from Nawab Cos-
sim. They expected that he would yield to threats.
They had long ceased to fear him ; they treated
him as a creature of their own creation. As for
themselves, they never doubted their personal secu-
rity, either at Calcutta, or at the more remote
factories up-country. Patna, for instance, was in
the heart of Behar. It was cut off from Calcutta
by the Nawab's capital at M6nghyi\ Yet Mi\ Ellis,
the Chief of the English factory at Patna, had all
along been one of the most violent opponents of
the Nawab and his officials.
ni-tinied mission Jt was uudcr such cu'cumstances that the Enff-
to Monghyr. o
lish Cpmmissioners, Messrs. Amyatt and Hay, pro-
ceeded from Calcutta to Monghyr. They were ex-
pected to induce the Nawab to withdraw his orders
for the abolition of all inland duties. The Nawab
was so angiy that he would hardly give them a
hearing. He rejected every proposition that they
made to him. To make matters worse, an English
boat attempted to pass Monghyr with a supply of
CALCUTTA RECORDS : PATNA MASSACRE. 319
arms for the factory at Patna. The Nawab was furi-
ous at the news, and stopped the boat at Monghyr.
The Enorlish at Calcutta were equally furious at imperious action
the action of the Nawab. Messrs. Amyatt and
Hay received orders from Calcutta to leave Monghyr
unless the Nawab allowed the arms to go on to
Patna. This, however, was easier said than done.
Mr. Hay was detained at Monghyr as a hostage
for the safety of the Nawab's officers who had been
arrested by the English. Mr. Amyatt was permit-
ted to return to Calcutta.
Such was the course of events when a tragedy xerribie resuus.
was enacted at Patna, almost as terrible as that of
the Black Hole. It raised an outcry in England
like that which folio Aved the massacre at Cawnpore
during the mutiny. In the present day the story of
Patna has been forgotten ; but it may be revived
by extracts from the journals of the sufferers, for
it is a lesson for all time.
Mr. Amyatt left Monghyr in good spu'its. The Mr. Amyatt
Nawab entertained him with a nautch the night
before he went away, and he seems to have had no
sense of danger. The story of liis murder by the
Nawab's retainers will appear hereafter.
Whilst Mr. Amyatt was at Mons^hyr, he cariied Eu^iish factory
'- U f ' „f Pot-no
on a correspondence with Mr. Ellis at Patna. When
he left Monghyr, Mr. Ellis took the alarm. There
was an English force at the factory ; but the factory
itself was untenable. Accordingly it was resolved
by Mr. Ellis and the English at the factory to
attack Patna and occupy the town.
at Patna.
320
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Diaries at Patna.
Anniversary din-
ner of the battle
of Plassey.
Contemplated
attack on tlie
town of Patna.
The following extracts from tlie journal of a
gentleman at Patna describe the operations which
followed : —
" June 23rd, i7(?-5.— This day I diued at the Factoiy with
most of the Officers, &c., in commemoratiou of the Battle
of Plassey, when I observed by the private conferences of
Messrs. Ellis, Carstairs, &c., that the public embroils which
had been long threatening' appeared to be coming near to a
crisis, which made me take Carstairs aside and ask him
whether he thought I was safe to stay longer in the city ; he
told me, for that night I may, but no longer, and invited me
out to his garden.
" 24th. — This morning I employed myself in settling
matters with my Banian and getting my things sent -out to
Captain Carstairs's ; dined at the Factory, where the gentle-
men kept everything very private; arrived at Carstairs's
about four o'clock. Upon enquiry of him, understood that
they intended attacking the city to-morrow morning, but
he had just received a chit from Mr. Ellis, wherein he
mentioned he had received intelligence by the foot post that
Mr. Amyatt had been entertained by the Nawab with a
nautch and came home highly pleased ; wherefore he thought
their intentions of attack should be deferred till he heard
from Mr. Amyatt himself, which he expected that evening, and
should then give him immediate notice. Betwixt eight and
nine a message arrived that he had heard from Mr. Amyatt,
and that he had leave of the Nawab to proceed to Calcutta
on the 24th ; wherefore he ordered the attack should be made
on the morning. As they formerly agreed, most of the
Oflficers supped with Carstairs, and I came into the Factory
betwixt eleven and twelve, and found all the gentlemen
making all preparations for the attack.
Patna taken and '' 2olh. — The Army movcd from Bankipore at two o'clock
in the morning, and they judged in the Factory that the
Army would reach the city before four. Accordingly^, about a
quarter before four we heard a firing, upon which a party of
sepoys who were stationed on the to]) of the Factory house
CALCUTTA RECORDS : PATNA MASSACRE. 321
were ordered to keep up a coustant fire upon the rampart
of the wall next the Factory, and two 3 -pounders, which
were also there, were ordered to phiy away upon the same
rampart, and the two Si-pounders below kept up an incessant
fire till daylight (all this period very little firing- was returned
from the city, as I believe they were all asleep when attack-
ed) . We now observed all the walls lined with our colours
and sepoys, which to be sure in our situation was very agree-
able, and every minute furnished us with the agreeable news
of everything going before us ; in short, by nine we were con-
fidently assured that we were in possession of every post ;
then our great folks began to look into the administration
of the province; perwannahsi were issuing out to the
Foujdars'^ to continue their former obedience in sending in
provisions, &c., to the city as formerly ; Nuzzurs^ were
coming in plenty to the Chief, and joy reigned in the face
of everybody. Biscuits, wine, &c., were sent in to the
Officers to refresh them; numbers of wounded men were
now coming out of the city, which employed Messrs. Ful-
larton, Anderson, and self for the day; surmises now passed
that we had not as yet got possession of the Fort, and by
twelve was confirmed. About two o^clock Carstairs and Kinch
came to the Factory and acquainted us that we were beat
out of the city, and that it was not in their power to make
one man stand ; which was the case, for by all accounts less
than a hundred men drove our whole Army out, and this sad
misfortune was entirely owing to the plundering of our
sepoys and soldiers, which turned their courage into avarice,
and every one of them thought of nothing but skulking off
with what they had got. By three o'clock most of the scat-
tered Army returned into the Factory.
" After this melancholy accident everybody was greatly Flight of th?
nonplused what was the most prudent step to be taken : as Oude.'^ towards
1 Perwannahs were letters conveying orders.
2 Foujdars were military officers iu charge of towns, villages, or districts
in behalf of the Nawab.
^ Nuzzurs were complimentary oflFerings on occasion of rejoicing.
W
322 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
in such case numbers of schemes were proposed, and none
could determine what was the most advisable ; at last it was
fixed to proceed to Shuja-u-daula^s province, [i. e., OudeJ but
a great difficulty arose in the procuring of boats. At last
"with much trouble there were collected as many as we
thought would dO; and agreed to set off the next evening.^^
Surrender of the Tlie Eiisrlisli liRcl capturcd PatnR 1 but soldiers
Enelish to Meir ^ ^ .....
cossim. ^j^([ sepoys were alike wanting in discij)line, and the
town was recovered by tlie Nawab's troops the same
day. The Englisb were in a dilemma. They conkl
not remain at the factory, for they conld not hold
it against the enemy. They could not go down
the liver to Calcutta, for they would certainly be
stopped by the Xawab at Monghyr. They had no
alternative but to go up the river into Oude. They
made the attempt, but it failed; the stream was
against them, and indeed everything was against
them. In the end they surrendered to the Xawab.
Some were imprisoned at Patna; others, including
Mr. Ellis, were imprisoned at Monghyr.
Diary of an Extracts from the iournal of an En2rlish prisoner
Enphsli prisoner J OX
atFatua. ^^ Patua tlirow further light on the progress of
affairs : —
S'oThT " Aiigiid 6fJi. — Mr. Roach's boy arrived from Monghyr;
brings news of ]\Ir. Amyatt/s head being brought there some
time ago ; that Mr. Chambers and some of the Cossinibazar
Factory people are there also. Hear that we were thrice le-
pulsed in the attack of the city of Muradabad, but the fourth
attack carried everything ; that the old Nawab Meer Jafiier
is declared.
Murder of Mr. " lltJi. — Mcssrs. Bcunct aud Thomson were to-day brought
Ensign Cooper, to US; they givc US an account of Mr. Amyatt aud Ensign
Cooper being killed at Muradabad as follows : — They had
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PATNA MASSACRE. 323
embarked all the party, and sent the horses, &c., with the
syces by land. Meetings with contrary winds, it was ten days
ere they reached Muradabad, when at once they saw troops
drawn upon each side of the river with some great g-uns;
they hailed them and desired them to come to, but not
taking notice of them some o£ them fired, on which some of
our sepoys began to fire also and killed somebody on the
shore, on which great guns and volleys were fired, which
induced them to put to the opposite shore where was the
least fire. Mr. Amyatt, notwithstanding the fire, landed
with a pair of pistols ; he took the Nawab's perwannah in
one hand and held it up to them, and a pistol in the other,
and advanced to the top of the bank, where he was shot in
the leg, and soon after cut to pieces. Ensign Cooper met
with the same fate in making resistance, but the other
gentlemen they can give no account of, but expect they were
sent to Moughyr with Mr. Chambers and the others from
Cossimbazar. They also inform us Mr. Hay and Mr. Gulston
were left at Monghyr, and remain there yet. These gentle-
men have suffered greatly^ being put in irons, and brought
up in one boat without cover and scarcely victuals or necessa-
ries to cover them, being in all twenty-seven persons. The
Nawab here allows ten rupees per day to the twenty-seven
people left, and an addition of two rupees per day to us on
account of these two gentlemen.
'' 23nl, — As His Excellency^ still continues at Monghyr, Nawab at
it gives us reason to think our troops are not yet in possession °°^ ^^'
of the upper pass.
"24th. — Hear for certain our troops are at Shahabad ;
that the enemy are repairing what of Monghyr they had
destroyed; that everything was in the greatest confusion in
His Excellency's camp ; that Somru had the management
of everything. His Excellency had not eaten for three days,
nor allowed his Nazir to be beat; that he himself and Somru
were at Monghyr and his army advanced to Gulgot Nullah,
so that we may hourly expect some news.
* The Nawab Meer Cossim.
324
EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Murder of
Europeans.
Nawab inarches
from ilongjr
to Patna.
Horrible
rumours.
Diary of Mr.
Fullarton, sole
survivor.
" 26th. — This evening heard that ten Europeans at Barr
had been tied and thrown into the river^ so that from this
we may guess what we are to expect ; have also an account
that some perwannahs have arrived here to several jemadars
of His Excellency's camp ; some think he will be laid hold of
by his own people.
^' 29th and 30th. — Hear that His Excellency is two coss
this side Ruinulla, and Somru with the Armenians at the
nullah; that his people are going off daily, and he is in
great fear of his life ; that about three weeks ago he proposed
cutting us all off, but was prevented by Somru^ the Arme-
nians, and some of his jemadars.
" Tuesday, 4th. — To-day, His Excellency arrived at Eam Na-
rain's gardens, and to-morrow comes into the city. They have
been very busy to-day mounting guns on the bastions of this
place. Heard that Meer Jaffier's brother had made his escape.
'' Wednesday, 5th. — Hear the Setts were cut off near Barr.
" Thursday, 6th. — Heard this morning that Mr. Ellis and
forty-seven gentlemen were cut off last night, so that doubtless
our fate must be sealed in twenty-four hours, for which God
prepare us all.''
An English sui'geon, named EuHarton, was the
sole survivor of the massacre. He had heen a
medical attendant upon the Xawah Meer Cossim,
and never seems to have heen in danger. When
hostilities hegan Mr. EuHarton was at Monghyr.
Subsequently he was sent to Patna, and was pre-
sent there at the time of the massacre. The follow-
ing extracts from his narrative show the com-se
of events at Monghyr and Patna : —
" July 6th. — ;Mr. Ellis with the rest of the gentlemen were
brought to Patna, I petitioned to be sent to them, or be
suffered to see them, both which were refused.
*' The 8th. — Mr. Ellis with the rest of the gentlemen were
sent to Monghyr and there confined ; there was Rs. 45,000 of
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PATNA MASSACRE. 325
the Company's cash on board the budgerow when Mr. Elh's
was taken, and some plate which was given to him, but in
the care of some of the Nawab's people, to be given him
when he wanted it ; some time it remained with Coja Petruss,
afterwards with Mamodom Khan.
" The 16th. — I was sent down to Monghyr and there
confined separately from the rest of the gentlemen, as I
afterwards understood they were all well used, though strictly
confined. We had victuals sent us by the Nawab regularly
twice a day.
August lOth.'-'Yhe Nawab left Monghyr, and the fort
was left in charge of Mamodom Khan ; he treated us with
the greatest lenity to appearance, and pretended to carry on
a treaty with Mr. Ellis, but it was all a sham, for he never
was in earnest. I was allowed to see the gentlemen on
account of Captain Turner being ill, who afterwards died
of a flux.
" September 13th. — Mr. Elhs and the rest of the gentlemen
were sent from Monghyr ; Messrs. Ellis and Greentree
were in palankeens ; Lushington, Smith, Lieutenant Bowen,
Ensign McLeod, and one other gentleman whom I don't
remember, were on horseback ; the rest were in irons, some
in dooleys, and some in hackeries, and after their an-ival at
Patna were confined in Haji Ahmad's house.
" September 19 tk. — I was sent from Monghyr to Patna and
confined alone in the Killa.
" October 6th. — Mr. Ellis with the rest of the gentlemen Massacre at
were inhumanly butchered by Somru, who came that even- ^^"'^ ''J ^<'™™-
ing to the place with two companies of sepoys (he had the
day before sent for all the knives and forks from the gentle-
men) ; he surrounded the house with his people and went
into a little outer square and sent for Messrs. Ellis, Hay,
and Lushington, and with them came six other gentlemen,
who were all terribly mangled and cut to pieces, and their
bodies thrown into a well in the square and it filled up ; then
the sepoys were sent into the large square and fired on the
gentlemen there, and, rushing upon them, cut them into
326
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Excuses and
threats of the
Nawab.
Flight of the
Nawab.
Escape of Dr.
FuUarton.
pieces ia the most inhuman manner^ and they were thrown
into another well, which was likewise filled uyy.
" The 7th. — The Nawab sent for me and told me to get
myself in readiness to go to Calcutta, for that he had been
unlucky in the war, which, he asserted with great warmth,
had not been of his seeking, nor had he been the aggressor,
reproaching the English with want of fidelity and breach of
treaty, but he said he had still hopes of an accommodation ;
he asked me what I thought of it ; I told him I made no
doubt of it. T^^hen some of his people then present mentioned
the affair of Mr. Amyatt^s death, he declared that he had
never given any orders of killing Mr. Amyatt, but after
receiving advice of Mr. Ellis's having attacked Patna, he
had ordered all his servants to take and imprison all the
English in his provinces wherever they could find them ; he
likewise added that if a treaty was not set afoot, he would
bring the King, the Mahrattas, and Abdulla ^ against us, and
so ruin our trade, &c. ; he had finished his letters, and ordered
boats and a guard to conduct me, when, upon the advice of
some of his people, he stopped me and said there was no
occasion for me to go. After his sending for me at first
he ordered the sepoys in whose charge I was to go to their
quarters ; two Moguls and twelve hurkaras to attend me, but
to let me go about the city where I pleased. I then appli-
ed for liberty to stay at the Dutch Factory, which was
granted. \
" The 14tlu — On the approach of our army Nawab Cossim
decamped with his troops in great confusion, and marched
five coss to the westward of the city. The hurkaras that were
with me having no orders about me, I gave them some
money which made them pretty easy.
" The 2oth. — After giving money to a jemadar that had the
guard to the westward of the Dutch Factory by the river
side, I set out in a small boat, and got safe to the boats
under command of Captain Wedcrburn that were lying
opposite to the city on the other side of the river, and at
• Ahmad Shah Abdali, the sovereign of the Afghans.
CALCUTTA RECORDS: PATNA MASSACRE. 327
eleven o^clock that night arrived at the army under the com-
mand of Major Adams, laying at Jutly. "
It is needless to dwell on the disaster. It will Ruin of Meor
Cossim.
suffice to say that fifty-one English gentlemen
were slaughtered in cold blood at Patna, together
with a hundred others of inferior rank. The order
was given by Nawab Cossim, but the massacre was
directed by a deserter from the Erench army named
Somru^ who had entered the service of the Nawab.
The massacre rendered accommodation impossible.
The war which followed led to the utter- ruin of
the Nawab. Meer Cossim was utterly beaten ; his
tlu'eats were vain and futile ; he fled away to Oude
and took refuge with the Nawab Vizier.
The Nawab Vizier of Oude was prepared to take Decisive battle
^ ^ of Buxar, 1764.
advantage of the confusion of the times. He
was still accompanied by the King, Shah Alam ;
he still hoped to get possession of Behar, Bengal,
and Orissa. The military operations have lost
their interest ; there was a mutiny of the sepoys in
the English araiy; it was the first on record; it
was suppressed by blowing twenty men from
their guns. Then followed the battle of Buxar ;
it w^as fought on the 23rd October 1764 ; it
settled the fate of the English in India ; it
placed the whole of Oude and the North-West Pro-
vinces at the feet of the EngHsh at Calcutta. To
* The real name of this man was Walter Reinhardt. He deserted to
the English and took the name of Summer ; the soldiers changed his name
to Sombre because of his evil expression. Subsequently be entered the
Nawab's service as stated in the text.
328 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
all outward appearance, the English had become
the paramount power, not only in Bengal, but in
all Hindustan, from the left bank of the Jimina to
the slopes of the Himalayas.
Eestoration of Mcanwhile Meer Jatfier was restored to the throne
Meer Jaffier.
of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. Mr. Vansittart re-
turned to England and was succeeded by a Mr.
Spencer as Governor of Bengal. Lord Clive had
been raised to the peerage and appointed Governor
of Ben2ral. A Select Committee of iive members,
T\dth Lord Clive at their head, was formed for the
exclusive management of all political affans. All
these arrangements were reported to Calcutta in
1764. In 1765 Lord Clive was sailing up the Bay
of Bensral with two of the members of the new
Committee, for the purpose of taking over the
supreme control of affairs.
CHAPTEE XII.
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE.
1765—1767.
LORD CLIVE landed at Calcutta in May 1765. P}f°^°f ^''^
On his way uj) the Bay he had touched at
Madi-as, and heard that Meer Jaffier had died the
previous Fehruary. He was dehghted at the news.
He was anxious to introduce the new system for
the government of the Bengal provinces, which
he had unfolded to Pitt more than seven years
before. He would set up a new Nawab who should
be only a cypher. He would leave the adroinistra-
tion in the hands of native officials. The EngUsh
were to be the real masters ; they were to take over
the revenues, defend the three provinces from inva-
sion and insurrection, make war and conclude peace*
But the sovereignty of the English was to be hidden
from the public eye. They were to rule only in the
name of the Nawab and under the authority of the
Moghul Emperor.
Lord Clive had no misgivings as to liis new se^^^ff^^p^^^
scheme. He knew that there were two claimants
to the Nawab' s throne, an illegitimate son of Meer
Jaffier aged twenty, and a legitimate grandson aged
six. He would place the child of six on the tlirone
330 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
at Murshedabad. He would carry out all his
arrangements diuing the minority, without the
possibility of any difficulty or opposition.
Forestalled by Qu reacliins!: Calcutta, Lord Clive found that he
Governor C)
fcpencer. j^^^j becu forcstallcd. Governor Spencer and Mem-
bers of Coimcil had refused to await the amyal of
Lord Olive and the Select Committee. They were
anxious to make fortunes by installing a new Nawab.
Directly they heard of the death of Meer Jaffier,
they sent a deputation of four of their number to
A puppet Nawab the clty of Murshcdabad. The deputation made a
aim Aativc ••- » J-
Mentor. liumcd bargain with a clever native grandee, named
Mahomed E-eza Khan. It was agreed that the
young man of twenty should be made Nawab ; that
Mahomed E,eza Khan should exercise all real power
under the name of Naib Subah, or Deputy Nawab ;
that twenty lakhs of rupees, or more than two hun-
dred thousand pounds sterling, should be distributed
amongst the Governor and Council at Calcutta ;
and to prevent any unpleasantness, like that which
led Meer Cossim to withhold the twenty lakhs,
the money was paid over at once in cash and bills
obtained from Hindu bankers, and the de2:)utation
returned to Calcutta in great joy and exultation.
Complaints of Lord Clivc did not hear all this at once. He
the new Aawab.
was sufficiently exasperated at the news that the
young man of twenty had been made Nawab in-
stead of the child of six. A few days after his
amval at Calcutta, he received a letter from the
young Nawab. The prince was weak and stupid ;
chafing at the loss of the twenty lakhs, and
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 331
impatient of his state of pupilage under Mahomed
Keza Khan. He complained to Lord Clive that he
had heen treated with insult and indignity; that
the money had heen paid to the English gentlemen
against his will ; that the treasury at Murshedahad
had heen unequal to the demand ; that most of the
money had been raised by a forced loan extorted
from the Seit bankers.
Lord Clive was excessively anOTv. He declared wrath of Lord
" ^ *^ Clive.
that blacks and whites had united together to plun-
der the Nawab's treasury. Governor Spencer and
his Council asserted that they had only followed the
example set by Clive himself after the battle of
Plassey. They forgot that circumstances had entirely
changed. At Plassey Clive had rendered great
2)ublic services to the Nawab and the Company,
w hilst there was no law whatever against the receipt
of presents. At the death of Meer Jaffier, Spencer
and his Council had rendered no services whatever ;
moreover, stringent orders had been passed by the
Coiu-t of Directors against the receipt of presents.
Covenants to that eifect had been received at
Calcutta; and the execution of the covenants had
been purposely delayed by Governor Spencer and
his Council until the English gentlemen had
received the money. It is needless to dwell upon
the scandal. Most of the gentlemen were return-
ing to England, and Lord Clive left their conduct
to be dealt with by the Coui-t of Directors.
Lord Clive did not set aside the Nawab. The Provisional
measures.
prince had been installed by the English deputation,
332
EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
and the arrangement had been ratified by the Gov-
ernor and Council. But he restricted the authority
of Mahomed Reza Khan. He associated two Hindu
grandees with Mahomed Reza Khan, and thus
distributed the powers of the Naib Subah amongst
a council of three.
Treaty with the Sliortlv aftcrwards, Lord Clive was called away
King and Nawab " ''
Vizier. from Calcutta to conclude a treaty with the King
Shah Alam and the Nawab Yizier. The nego-
tiations were of a complex character. There were
three important questions which called for early
settlement : —
1st. — Tlie future status of Oude and the Nawab
Vizier.
2nd. — The future relations between the English
and the King, or Padishah.
Srd. — The future status of the Nawab of Bengal,
Behar, and Orissa with regard to the
King and the English.
The fii'st business was the settlement of Oude.
This territory extended from Behar almost to Dellii.
It formed a barrier between the three Bengal pro-
vinces on one side, and the Mahrattas on the south
and Afghans on the north-west.
At this moment Delhi was in the hands of the
Afghans. Governor Spencer had wanted to treat
with the Afghans for the cession of Oude to the
Afghan invaders, and restoration of the King to
the throne of Dellii. Lord Clive set his face against
this policy. He would have nothing to do with
Delhi or the Afghans. He sought to restrict the
Settlement of
Oude.
Conflicting
puliuy of
Spencer and
Clive.
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 333
English to the three provinces of Bengal, Behar,
and Orissa, and to guard against their interference
in the countries beyond. He was willing to restore
the territory of Oude and the guardianship of the
Kins: to the Nawab Vizier.
Lord dive's idea was to establish the EngUsh oi.jects ot cuve.
ascendancy in Bengal, Behar, and Orissa under ^.the
authority of Moglml sovereignty. In so doing he
resuscitated some of the forms in the Moghul im-
perial system. He sought to maintain the King by
a settled yearly charge on the revenues of Oude
and Bengal, which might be regarded as the King's
share, and serve to strengthen the King's autho-
rity.
Lord Clive gave back Oude to the Nawab Yizier. ^f^*°^^*i^° "^
He only insisted that the King should receive the prowiionforthe
yearly revenue of the districts of Allahabad and
Korali as his share of the revenue of Oude. So
far the imperial sovereignty of the King was re-
cognised in Oude. The King continued to reside
at Allahabad, under the guardianship of the Nawab
Yizier. In reality he was waiting for the tm-n of
fortune wliich should carry him on to Delhi.
Lord Clive next arransred the future sjovernment The Pewani of
^ . ^ Bengal, Behar,
of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. He accepted the """^ ''"'^''•
post of King's Dewan for the three provinces in the
name of the Enghsh Company. The English Com-
pany, as King's Dewan, took over all the revenue
of the three provinces ; they engaged to pay the
King a yearly rent of twenty-six lakhs, or at the
existing rate of exchange, about three hundred
334 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
thousand pounds sterling, as the imperial share.
They were left to deal with the surplus revenue as
they thought fit, and to make theii* own terms
with the Nawah of Murshedabad.
Provision for Lord Clivo ucxt went to Murshedabad. He re-
tlie Nawab
Nazim. quired the young Nawab to disband his rabble army.
He arranged to take over the whole revenue of the
tlu'ee provinces. He agreed to pay a yearly sti-
pend of fifty-three lakhs to the Nawab. ^ In this
manner the English Company came into possession
of the yearly revenues of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa.
They paid twenty- six lakhs to the King, and fifty-
three lakhs to the Nawab. The yearly payments
were thus something less than a million sterling.
The yearly receipts, however, were estimated at three
or four milhons. Out of the surplus they provided
for the defence of the country and maintenance of
the pubHc peace. The balance was so large that
the Company appropriated it to the purchase of
goods and manufactures in India and China. The
1 Henceforth the Nawab was known as the Nawab Nazim. The outward
form of the Governuiftut of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa resembled that which
prevailed in the reign of Aurungzeb. There was a Nawab Nazim, who was
responsible for the defence of the three provinces and the maintenance of the
public peace, as well as for the administration of justice and enforcing obedi-
ence to the law. There was a King's Dewan, who received the yearly reve-
nues of the three provinces, and was responsible for all disbursements, as well
as for the payment of tlie surplus to the King as his imperial share.
The outward form adopted by Loid Olive was only a veil to conceal the real
transfer of power. Lord Clive had taken away all military power from the
Nawab Nazim and reduced him to a cypher. The Company as King's Dewan
took possession of all the surplus revenue. In the time of Aurungzeb and his
immediate successors,the yearly remittances to the King amounted to a million
sterling. In Lord Clive's time the King was only too glad to receive three
hundred thousand pounds sterling.
Select Cora-
iiiittec at
Calcutta.
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 335
result was that witliin a few years the three Ben-
gal provinces were literally drained of rupees/
The nature and results of this errant of the De- Exposition of
*-■ the policy by tno
ward to the Company are fully set forth in the cor- ^^f
respondence between the Select Committee at Cal-
cutta and the Coui-t of Directors. The letters to
England explain the policy of Lord Clive. The
letters from England expound the views of the
Directors. The Select Committee begins^ : —
"The time now approacbes when we may be able to Existing status.
determine, with some degree of certainty, whether onr re-
mainiug as merchants, subjected to the jurisdiction, encroach-
ments, and insults of the country government, or supporting
your privileges and possessions by the sword, are likely to
prove most advantageous to the Company. Whatever may
be the consequence, certain it is, that after having once
begun, and proceeded to such lengths, we have been forced
to go on, step by step, imtil your whole possessions were put
to the risk by every revolution effected, and by every battle
fought. To apply a remedy to those evils, bj^ giving stability
and permanency to your government, is now and has been
the constant object of the serious attention of your Select
Committee.
" The perpetual struggles for superiority between the Necessity for
Nawabs and your Agents, together with the recent proofs DewanL^
before us of notorious and avowed corruption, have rendered
us unanimously of opinion, after the most mature deliberation,
that no other method can be sugg-ested of laying the axe to
the root of all those evils, than that of obtaining the
Dewanny of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, for the Company.
By establishing the power of the Great Mogul, we have like-
wise established His rights ; and his Majesty, from principles
1 The curious phenomena which followed these financial arrangements will
be explained in the next chapter.
' Despatch of Select Committee at Fort William, dated 30th September
1765. Also despatch from the same, dated 31st January 1766.
336 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
of gratitude, of equity, aud of policy, has thoug-ht proper to
bestow this importaut employment on the Company, the
nature of which is, the collecting all the revenues, aud after
defraying the expenses of the army, and allowing a sufficient
fund for the support of the Nizamut, to remit the remainder
to Dehli, or wherever the King shall reside or direct. But
as the King has been graciously pleased to bestow on the
Company, for ever, such surplus as shall arise from the
revenues, upon certain stipulations and agreements expressed
in the Sunnud, we have settled with the Nawab, with his own
free will and consent, that the sum of fifty-three lakhs ^ shall
be annually paid to him, for the support of his diguity and
all contingent expenses, exclusive of the charge of maintain-
ing an army, which is to be defrayed out of the revenues
ceded to the Company, by this royal grant of the Dewanny;
and indeed the Nawab has abundant reason to be well satisfied
with the conditions of this agreement, whereby a fund is
secured to him, without trouble or danger, adequate to all
the purposes of such grandeur and happiness as a man of his
sentiments has any conception of enjoying ; more would
serve only to disturb his quiet, eudanger his government,
and sap the foundation of that solid structure of power and
wealth, which, at length, is happily reared and completed by
the Company, after a vast expense of blood and treasure.
Prospective " By this acquisitiou of the Dewauiiy, your possessions
and influence are rendered permanent and secure, since no
future Nawab will either have power or riches suflicient to
attempt your overthrow, by means either of force or corrup-
tion. All revolutions must henceforward be at an end, as
there will be no fund for secret services, for donations, or for
restitutions. The Nawab cannot answer the expectations of
the venal and mercenary, nor will the Company comply with
demands injurious to themselves, out of their own revenues.
The experience of years has convinced us that a divif^ion of
power is impossible withoiit generating discontent and hazard-
in"" the whole : all must belong either to the Comnanv or to
advantages.
662,500/ at the current rate of exchange.
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 337
the Nawab. We leave you to judge wliieh alternative is the
most desirable and the most expedient in the present circum-
stances of affairs. As to ourselves, we know of no other
system we could adopt, that would less affect the Nawab's
dig-nity, and at the same time secure the Company against
t he fatal effects of future revolutions than this of the Dewanny.
The power is now lodged where it can only be lodged with
safety to us, so that we may pronounce with some degree of
confidence, that the worst which will happen in future to the
Company will proceed, from temporary ravages only, which
can never become so genei-al as to prevent your revenues from
yielding a sufficient fund to defray your civil and military
charges, and furnish your investments/^
" The more we reflect on the situation of your affairs, the scif-piesiiivatiou
stronger appear the reasons for accepting the Dewanny of
these provinces, by which alone we could establish a power
sufficient to perpetuate the possessions we hold, and the influ-
ence we enjoy. While the Nawab acted in quality of Col-
lector for the Mogul, the means of supporting our military
establishment depended upon his pleasure. In the most cri-
tical situations, while we stood balancing on the extreme
border of destruction, his stipulated payments were slow and
deficient, his revenues withheld by disaffected Rajahs, and
turbulent Zemindars, who despised the weakness of his gov-
ernment ; or they were squandered in profusion, and dissipated
in corruption, the never-failing symptoms of a declining con-
stitution and feeble administration. Hence we were fre-
quently disappointed of those supplies, upon the punctual
receipt of which depended the very existence of the Company
in Bengal.'^
The letter from the Court of Du^ectors appro vine: Approval of tue
■'-•'■ ~ Court of
of this arrangement is very valuable. It lays down ^'^'^'^tors.
with much precision what were to be the relations
between the Nawab Nazim and the English Presi-
dent and Council. It shows that at this period
there were strong objections to any interference in
X
338
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Sentiments.
Danger of the
crisis.
the native administration. An EngKsli Resident
was continued at Murshedabad; he was to take
over the monthly payments from the Nawab's
officers ; Ms chief duty was to protect the native
administration from the encroachments of the Com-
pany's sei-vants. The follo^Aing extracts are
historical : —
" We come now to consider the great and important
affair of the Dewanny, on which we shall give you our
sentiments, with every objection that occurs to us.
" When we consider that the barrier of the country
government was entirely broke down, and every Englishman
throughout the country armed with an authority that owned
no superior, and exercisiug his power to the oppression of
the helpless native, who knew not whom to obey ; at such a
crisis, we cannot hesitate to approve your obtaining the
Dewanny for the Company.^'
" We observe the account you give of the office and power
of the King's Dewau, which in former times was ' the
collecting of all the revenues, and, after defraying the ex-
penses of the army, and allowing a sufficient fund for the
support of the Nizamat, to remit the remainder to Delhi.'
This description of it, is not the office we wish to execute;
the experience we already have had in the province of
Burdwan convinces us, how unfit an Englishman is to con-
duct the collection of the revenues, and follow the subtle
native through all his arts, to conceal the real value of his
country, and to perplex and elude the payments. We there-
fore entirely approve of your preserving the ancient form of
government, in the upholding the diguity of the Subah.
" We conceive the office of Dewan should be exercised
extriiEed by the only in Superintending the collections, and disposal of the
revenues; which, though vested in the Company, should
officially be executed by our Resident at the Durbar, under
> Despatch from the Directors to the Select Comuiittcc, tlated I7lh May
1766.
Definition of the
office and power
of King's
Dewan.
Limitations of
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 339
the control of the Governor and the Select Committee.
The ordinary bounds of which control^ should extend to
nothing beyond the superintending the collection of the
revenues, and the receiving the money from the NawaVs
treasury to that of the Dewanny, or the Company, and this
we conceive to be neither difficult nor complicated : for at the
annual Poonah the government settles with each Zemindar
his monthly payments for the ensuing year ; so the monthly
payments of the whole from the Nawab's Dewan, is but the
total of the monthly payment of each Zemindar ; which must
be strictly kept up, and if deficient, the Company must trace
what particular province, Rajah, or Zemindar, has fallen short
of his monthly payments ; or, if it is necessary to extend the
power farther, let the annual Poonah, by which we mean the
time when every landholder makes his agreement for the
ensuing year, be made with the consent of the Dewan or
Company. This we conceive to be the whole office of the
Dewanny. The administration of justice, the appointment
of officers, Zemindarries, — in short, whatever comes under the
denomination of civil administration, — we understand is to
remain in the hands of the Nawab or his ministers.
"The Resident at the Durbar being constantly on the
spot, cannot be long a stranger to any abuses in the govern-
ment, and is always armed with power to remedy them. It
will be his duty to stand between the administration and the
encroachments always to be apprehended from the agents of
the Company's servants, which must first be known to him ;
and we rely on his fidelity to the Company, to check ail such
encroachments, and to prevent the oppression of the natives."
The Nawab Nazim died in May 1766. The event Death of the
. ' 1 Nawab Nazini.
was reported home by the Select Committee m the
following terms. They show that the Nawab Nazim
was akeady of no moment in the administration : —
"We are sorry to acquaint you, that on the 8th day Report of the
of May, his excellency the Nawab Nudjum al daulal breathed nSt'tee. °™'
340
EAELY EECORDS OF BEITISH INDIA.
Private trade.
Mutiny of the
Civil bervants.
his last, after a short illness, incurred by some intemperance
in eating, and increased by a gross habit, and unsound con-
stitution. As he was a prince of mean capacity, bred up in
total ignorance of public affairs, this event, wbich formerly
might have produced important consequences in the provinces,
can at present have no other effect than that of exhibiting to
the eyes of the people a mere change of persons in the
Nizamut. Nudjum al daulah dying without issue, his
brother Syef al daula succeeded to his dignities; and pro-
mises, from the mildness and pliancy of his disi)osition, to
answer all the purposes of a Nawab to the people and to the
Company. At present he is a youth not exceeding the age
of sixteen, which more immediately and naturally brings the
administration into the liands of persons in whom we can
repose confidence\"
The minor details of Lord Olive's second admin-
istration liave lost their interest. He did not put
a stop to the private trade ; and it was only stopped
in after years by a general increase of salaries.
Lord Clive had to encounter a curious mutiny
amongst the civil servants. The massacre at Patna
had carried off many of the seniors. Many juniors
were appointed to posts for wliich they were unfit.
The Secretary's department was made over to a
youth of only three years' standing. The post of
Eaymaster to the Army was held hy another young
writer, whilst three hundred thousand pounds
sterling lay in his hands for months. The business
of these offices was really transacted by natives ;
' As the Nawab Nazim had been reduced to the position of a pageant
the necessity for maintaining an expensive state ceremonial gradually died
out, Accordingly, on the accession of the new Nawab Nazim, the yearly
allowances were reduced from fifty-three lakhs to forty-one lakhs ; in 1770
they were reduced to thirty-ono lakhs ; and iu 1772 to sixteen lakhs. Since
]772 there has been no further rciUuliou.
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 341
the most secret concerns were known in the bazar ;
and serious abuses prevailed in all directions.
Lord Clive called up four civilians from the outsiders from
*■ Miidras.
Madras estal)lishment and gave them vacant seats
in the Bengal Council. The results of this mea-
sure may be given in what appears to be Lord
Clive' s own words^ : —
'' We are soriy to find that our endeavours to serve the opposition of
/-^ . . } 1 I • • ■ J J Beuyal Civilians.
t^ompany m a manner the least injurious to your servants
here, should be misconstrued. As soon as this measure be-
came known, by reports from Madras, and previous to our
laying any proceedings before the Board, the young gentle-
men of the settlement had set themselves up for judges of
the propriety of our conduct, and the degree of their own
merit : each would think himself qualified to transact your
weighty affairs in Council, at an age when the laws of his
country adjudge him unfit to manage his own concerns to the
extent of forty shillings. They have not only set their hands
to the memorial of complaint, but entered into associations
unbecoming at their years, and destructive of that subordi-
nation without which no government can stand — All visits
to the President are forbidden — All invitations fr om him and
the members of the Select Committee are to be slighted —
The gentlemen called down by our authority from Madras
are to be treated with neglect and contempt — Every man
who deviates from this confederacy is to be stigmatised and
avoided — In a word, the members are totally to separate
themselves from the head, decorum and union are to be set
at defiance, and it becomes a fair struggle whether we or the
young gentlemen shall in future guide the helm of govern-
ment. Look at their names, examine their standing, inquire
into their services, and reflect upon the age of four-fifths of the
subscribers to this bill of grievances, who now support the
association, and you will be equally surprised with us at the
1 Despatch from Select Coiuiuittee, dated Slat .Jauuiiry 17t)6.
342
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Determination
of Clive.
Mutiny of the
Bengal Military
officers.
AbMition of
double batta.
Triumph of
Clive.
presumptuous intemperance of youth, and convinced that a
stop of three or four years in the course of promotion is in-
dispensably necessary, if you would have your Council com-
posed of men of experience and discretion.
" From this sketch of the behaviour of your servants, you
will perceive the dangerous pitch to which the independ-
ent and licentious spirit of this settlement hath risen ; you
will then determine on the necessity and propriety of the step
we have taken : in the mean time we are resolved to support
it, or we must submit to the anarchy and confusion conse-
quent on subjecting the decrees of your Select Committee to
the revisal and repeal of young gentlemen just broke loose
from the hands of their schoolmasters/'
Lord Clive liad next to contend against a mutiny
of the officers of the army. The Bengal army liad
been regimented, and formed into three brigades ;
one was at Monghyr, a second at Patna, and a third
at Allahabad.
After the battle of Plassey the officers of the
Bengal army received an additional alloTvance from
the Nawab, known as double batta. The Directors,
when they took the place of the Nawab, refused to
continue the double batta. The double batta was
abohshed from the fii-st of January 17G6. The
officers of the three brigades formed a secret league
for throT\dng up their commissions on a certain day
unless the double batta was restored. They raised
subcriptions for the pm*pose ; and some of the civil
servants subscribed to the fund.
The story is nearly obsolete ; but the energy and
genius of Lord CKvc were never more conspicuous.
The Bengal officers relied on forcing the Governor
and Council to restore the batta, for the army was
SECOND GOVERNMENT_OF OLIVE. 343
about to take the field against the Mahrattas.
Lord Clive, however, accepted every commission that
was tendered. He gave commissions to deserving
soldiers. He called up ofiicers from Madras. He
sent many officers under arrest to Calcutta, where
they were aftei'wards shipped for England. At last
the tide turned; many officers began to repent.
Lord Clive displayed as much leniency as he could,
and the mutiny was brought to a close.
Lord CKve left India in the besinninsf of 1767. r-o'-'^ ciiv.^
^ ^ leaves India,
He was only in his forty-second year ; he never ^^*^^-
returned to India. He died six years afterwards
at the early age of forty-eight. Before he left India
he penned an able state paper in which he ex-
pounded his policy, domestic and foreign. The poiicyforti.^
following extracts are worthy of permanent
record : —
" The first period in politics which I offer to your consi- Authority of the
deration is the form of government. We are sensible that redueedto^"'""'^
since the acquisition of the Dewanny^ the power formerly
belonging to the Subah {i. e., Nawab) of these provinces is
totally, in fact, vested in the East India Company. Nothing
remains to him but the name and shadow of authority. This
name, however, this shadow, it is indispensably necessary we
should seem to venerate ; every mark of distinction and re-
spect must be shown him, and he himself encouraged to show
his resentment upon the least want of respect from other
nations.
"Under the sanction of a Subah, every encroachment Na-^ab to be
that may be attempted by foreign powers can effectually be Stufyforeigu
crushed, without any apparent interposition of our own ^^'^^^^^'
authority, and all real grievances complained of by them can,
through the same channel, be examined into and redressed.
344j eaely records of British india.
Be it, therefore, always remembered that there is a Subah ;
that we have allotted him a stipend which must be regularly
paid in support of his dignity ; and that, though the revenues
belong to the Company, the territorial jurisdiction must still
rest in the chiefs of the country acting under him and this
Presidency in conjunction. To appoint the Company's ser-
vants to the offices of Collectors, or, indeed, to do any act by
an exertion of the English power which can equally be done
by the Nawab at our instance, would be throwing off the
mask, — would be declaring the Company Subah of the pro-
vinces. Foreign nations would immediately take umbrage,
and complaints preferred to the British Court might be
attended with very embarrassing consequences. Nor can it
be supposed that either the French, Dutch, or Danes would
readily acknowledge the Company^s Subahship, and pay into
the hands of their servants the duties upon trade or the quit-
rents of those districts which they may have long been pos-
sessed of by virtue of the Royal firman or grants from former
Nawabs. In short, the present form of government will
not, in my opinion, admit of variation. The distinction
between the Company and Nawab must be carefully main-
tained, and every measure wherein the country government
shall even seem to be concerned must be carried on in the
name of the Nawab and by his authority. In short, I
would have all the Company's servants, the supervisors
excepted,* confined entirely to commercial matters only,
upon the plan laid down in the time of Aliverdy Khan.
Revenue not to " It wiU uot, I presume, be improper in this place to
eviufa drain of observe that you ought not to be very desirous of increasing
*'*''"■ the revenues, especially where it can only be effected by
oppressing the landholders and tenants. So long as the
country remains in peace the collections will exceed the de-
mands ; if you increase the former, a large sum of money
will either lay dead in the Treasury or be sent out of the
country, and much inconvenience arise in the space of a few
years. Every nation trading to the East Indies has usually
1 The duties of supervisors will be duly set forth in tbe next chapter.
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 345
imported silver for a return in commodities. The acquisition
of the Dewauny has rendered this mode of traffic no longer
necessary for the English Company ; our investments may be
furnished; our expenses, civil and military, paid; and a large
quantity o£ bullion be annually sent to China, though we
import not a siugle dollar. An increase of revenue, therefore,
unless you can in proportion increase your investments, can
answer no good purpose, but may in the end prove extremely
pernicious, inasmuch as it may drain Bengal of its silver ;
and you will undoubtedly consider that the exportation of
silver beyond the quantity imj)orted is an evil, which, though
slow, and, perhaps, remote in its consequences, will neverthe-
less be fatal to the Indian Company. This point, therefure, I
leave to your constant vigilance and deliberation.
" The subject of moderation leads me naturally into a few No offensive
reflections upon military affairs. Our possessions should be the def.iue of
11111 • 1-1 •• •• Bengal,
bounded by the provinces : studiously maintain peace, — it is Allahabad ami
the groundwork of our prosperity : never consent to act offen-
sively against any powers, except in defence of our own, the
King's ov the Nawab Vizier's dominions, as stipulated by
Treaty ; and, above all things, be assured that a march to
Delhi would be not only a vain and fruitless project, but
attended with certain destruction to your army, and perhaps
put a period to the very being of the Company in Bengal.
'' Shuja-u-daula, the Nawab Vizier of Oude, we must Political reia-
1 • • !,• i. i.1. J i,.i I, T tions with Shuja-
observe, is now recovering his strength, and although 1 am u-dauia, the
fully persuaded from his natural disposition, which is cautious oude.
and timid, and from the experience he has had of our disci-
pline and courage, that he will never engage against us in
another war, yet, like most of his countrymen, he is ambitious,
and I am of opinion that, as soon as he shall have formed
an army, settled his country, and increased his finances, he
will be eager to extend his territories, particularly by the
acquisition of the Bundelcund district, formerly annexed to
the Subahship of Allahabad. It is even not improbable
that he will propose an expedition to Delhi and desire our
assistance, without which, I think, he has not courage to risk
such an uudertiking. Here, therefore, we must be upon nor
f>4,Q EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,
guard, and plainly remind the Vizier that we entered into an
alliance with him for no other purpose than the defence of
our respective dominions, and that we will not consent to
invade other powers unless they should prove the aggressors
by committing acts of hostility against him or the English,
when it will become necessary to make severe examples in
order to prevent others from attacking us unprovoked. With
regard to his Delhi scheme, it must be warmly remonstrated
against and discouraged. He must be assured, in the most
positive terms, that no consideration whatever shall induce us
to detach our forces to such a distance from this country,
which produces all the riches we are ambitious to possess.
Should he, however, be prevailed upon by the King to escort
His Majesty to that cajntal without our assistance, it will
then be our interest to approve the project, as it is the only
means by which we can honourably get rid of our trouble-
some royal guest.
Three powers " The Rohillas, the Jauts, and all the northern powers are
attention'!^^he'^ at too great a distance ever to disturb the tranquillity of
anTthe^^^"^^' thcsc proviuccs. Shuja-u-daula^s ambition, the King's solici-
Mahrattas. tations, and the Mahrattas, these are the three grand objects of
policy to this Committee, and by conducting your measures
with that address of which you are become so well acquainted
by experience, I doubt not that the peace of Bengal may be
preserved many years, especially if a firm alliance be estab-
lished with the Subah of the Deccan, and Januji, the Nagpore
Rajah, be satisfied with the chout proposed, to which, I think
he is in justice and equity strictly entitled.'
Mahrattas " The MahrattaS are divided into two very great powers,
sll'tesf poona"*' who at present are at variance with each other, viz., first, those
and Nagpore. Mahrat tas who possess a large part of the Deccan, whose Chief
is Ram Rajah, well known by the Presidency of Bombay, and
whose capital is Poona, about thirty coss from Surat. Secondly,
those jNIahrattas who possess the extensive province of Berar,
whose Chief is Januji, and whose capital, Nagpore, is distant
from Calcutta about four hundred coss. These last are called
' Lord Clive's idea of paying chout to the Mahrattas of Berar occasioned
much political controversy in after years.
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 347
Rajpoot Malirattas, and are those who, after the long war
with Aliverdy Khan, obliged him to make over the Ballasore
and Cuttack countries and to pay a chout of twelve lakhs of
Rupees/^
Lord Olive's information respecting the Mah-
rattas of the Dekhan is imperfect. Ram Raja was
a puppet prince of the dynasty of Siyaji ; he was
a state prisoner at Satara. Tlie sovereign power
was wiekled by a hereditary line of Mahratta
ministers who reigned at Poona under the name of
Peishwas.
"With Jauuji it is our interest to he upon terms of Mahrattasof
friendship, for which purpose a Vakeel has been dispatched Berar, tJ be "
as appears upon the Committee proceedings ; and I would graut of chout,
recommend your settling of the chout with him agreeably to
the plan I have proposed, viz., that we shall pay sixteen
lakhs upon condition that he appoint the Company Zemindar
of the Ballasore and Cuttack countries, which, though at
present of little or no advantage to Januji, would in our
possession produce nearly sufficient to pay the whole amount
of the chout. Whatever the deficiency may be, it will be
overbalanced by the security and convenience we shall enjoy
of free and open passage by land to and from Madras, all
the countries between the two Presidencies being under our
influence ; but I would not by any means think of employ-
ing force to possess ourselves of those districts ; the grant of
them must come from him with his own consent, and if that
cannot be obtained, we must settle the chout upon the most
moderate terms we can.
" The Mahrattas of the Deccan can only be kept quiet Mahiattas of
and in awe by an alliance with Nizam Ali of Hyderabad, westcm Dekhan,
. - -^ to be overawed
which has already in part taken place; and 1 have not the by an alliance
least doubt that the Subah^s own security, and the perpetuial
encroachments of the Mahrattas, will soon make him as
desirous as we are of completing it. When this measure is
348 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
brong-lit to perfection, not only the Deccan Mahrattas, but
Jauuji alsOj will have too much to apprehend from our influ-
ence and authority so near home to be able to disturb far
distant countries, and Bengal may be pronounced to enjoy as
much tranquillity as it possibly can, or at least ought to enjoy,
consistent with our main object — security.
" With regard to all other powers, they are so distracted
and divided amongst themselves, that their operations can
never turn towards Bengal/^
objectionH of the Tlils policv did not meet tlie views of the Court
Court of I ^
Directors. ^f Dipectors. In two general letters, dated respect-
ively 20tli November 17G7, and 16tli March 1768»
they remark as follows : —
No secarity to be " From what appears in your proceedings, we think we
obtained by
alliances with
Native Princes
alliances with disccm too great an aptness to confederacies or alliances with
the Indian powers, on which occasion we must give it you, as
a general sentiment, that perfidy is too much the characteristic
of Indian Princes for us to rely on any security with them ;
but should you enter into a treaty to act in concert with
them in the field, one of our principal officers is to command
the whole — a pre-eminence our own security and our superior
military skill will entitle us to."
The Nizam not " We entirely disapprove the idea adopted, of supporting
a^ atolTn °e o'f the Subah of the Deccan as a balance of power against the
thniaTrluM. i\Iahrattas. It is for the contending parties to establish
a balance of power among themselves. Their divisions are
our security; and if the Mahrattas molest us, you must con-
sider whether an attack from Bombay, when being near the
capital of their dominions, may not be preferable to any
defensive operations with the country jiowers on your side of
India."
Failure of the Tlic f orei^jn policy of Lord Clive and the Court
foreign policy O J. «/
of isolation. ^£ Dlrectors calls for no further remark. It was a
policy of isolation. The English were to he snugly
ensconced in the three provinces of Bengal,
SECOND GOVERNMENT OF CLIVE. 349
Beliar, and Orissa. The frontier of Oude was to
form a permanent barrier against all further pro-
gress. Within a single decade this policy was
thrown to the winds.
The domestic policy of Lord Clive was in like Fniuire of tae
cldiiiestio policy
manner doomed to fall. The " double government," "over'XelTt ■'
as it was called, of the English and the Nawab shared
the fate of political shams. It was found useful,
but only as bridging over the interval between
Native administration and British administration.
Meantime a solemn farce was played every year at
Murshedabad. The annual Poona was held, when
every landholder made his agreement as regards his
payments of revenue for the coming year. The
Nawab Nazim was seated on the throne at Mur-
shedabad, as Subahdar of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa ;
and the English Governor stood on his right hand,
as representative of the Honorable Company in the
quality of King's Dewan.
There is a strange significance in Lord CKve's Puppet
sovereiomtieg
scheme 01 a puppet JSawab. The same political ^/^JJj^'^^^"*
sham was going on in every native court in India.
In the imperial system of the Moghuls, the King
had become a puppet and the Yizier was sovereign
ruler. In the Moghul provinces the King's name
was the symbol of authority, whilst Subahdars and
Nawabs were sovereign princes. In the imperial
system of the Mahrattas, the nominal King was
a State prince at Satara, whilst the Peishwa, a
hereditary minister, reigned in full sovereignty at
350 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Poona.^ The double government of Lord Clive
was thus the outturn of political exigencies, which
were producing the same results elsewhere through-
out all India.
1 The Mdhratta empire was a series of anomalies. Every Peisbwa in
succession received investiture from the imprisoned Raja at Satara. All the
later Peishwas affected to consider themselves as the servants of the Mogluil
Kinfs of Delhi. The Mahratta confederacy was a sham. The Peishwa was
regarded as the head ; but each of the confederate powers — Scindia, Hol-
kar, the Guikowar of Baroda, and the Bhousia of Berar — intrigued to get
the better of him and of each other.
CHAPTEE XIII.
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION.
A. D, 1767 TO 1770.
THE political system laid down by Lord Clive ciivc's system
■i- tJ 'I perfect in theory ;
was warmly approved by tlie Dii'ectors. Indeed
it was perfect in theory. By retaining a native ad-
ministration it relieved tbe English of all the re-
sponsibilities of government. By the rigid adherence
to a policy of isolation it stopped all deahngs with
native states outside the frontier. By taking over
the surplus revenue, ample provision was made, not
only for the maintenance of an army, but for the
purchase of all commodities in India and China.
This political system, so perfect in theory, was impossible in
soon found to be impossible in practice. Before
Lord CHve left Calcutta, he modified the tliree
principles it involved. He appointed English
supervisors, as noticed in liis otvti memorandum,
to check the native collectors of revenue in the
districts.^ He proposed to form an alliance with
tlie Nizam of Hyderabad against the Malirat-
tas ; and although this step was forbidden by the
Court of Directors, yet even they admitted the
possible necessity of making war uj)on the Mahrattas
from the side of Bombay. Last of all, Lord CUve
' Sec ante, page 344.
352 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
discovered that the appropriation of tlie surplus
revenue to the trade with China was draining the
Bengal j)rovinces of rupees, and creating a silver
famine.
Mr.vereut, Lord Clivc was succeeded by Mr. A^erelst as
Governor of o -rt i
Bengal : (governor or Bene^al. Verelst was forced bv cii'cum-
advanced policy. o ,,
stances to depart still further from Lord Chve's ori-
ginal platform. The administration of Verelst has
been overlooked by historians ; yet it has an in-
terest for all time. Yerelst was taught by expe-
rience to adopt views and recommend measures
which modified those originally expounded by Lord
Clive, and led to still further modifications by his
successors. He saw that by api)ropriating the
revenue of the country, the English had become
responsible for the rightful government of the
people in every branch of the administration. He
saw that the Enghsh would soon be forced to hold
the balance of power between the native states
in Hindustan.
Character of Vcrclst was a different man from Lord Clive.
Verelat.
He was not a soldier-statesman, ruHng the Bengal
produces by the force of will. He was a ci^dlian,
mindful of the welfare of the native population.
Lord Clive's experiences were derived from hfc in
camp, or negotiation with native officials and
grandees. Yerelst's experiences were derived du'ect-
ly from the masses. He knew the people well. He
had passed through the several grades of the Com-
pany's commercial service. He had gained great
credit as supervisor of the collection of the revenues
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 353
in the three districts ceded by Meer Cossim/
Altogether he was nearly twenty years in India,
and seems to have been well versed in the thouorhts
and ways of the people at large.
The rise of British power in Bengal is the story Revoiationsofa
*" decade, 1757»67.
of a single decade. It begins with the battle of
Plassey in 1757, and ends mth the departure of
Lord Clive in 1767. It is one of the revolutionary
episodes in the eighteenth century. It may not
dazzle the imagination like the later annals of
conquest which built up the British empu'e ; but
it is more startling to the actors ; and it effected
far greater changes in the social and political re-
lations between Englishmen and natives.
Yerelst served his apprenticeship in Bengal veroisfs
experiences of
during the old mercantile period. He was familiar the mercantile
with the times when the English in Bengal were
all traders, and nothing but traders. Stories were
told of fights mth petty Bajas about tolls and
transit duties ; but the ambition of merchants was
to make good bargains and push their trading
interests in Bengal. They made municipal laws and
administered justice within their httle zemindary ;
but they took no heed of what was going on out-
side the Company's bounds unless it affected trade.
After the battle of Plassev, the English rose to sud^ien accession
" of the English
wealth and power at a single bound. Successes *';^«^=''^'""^<i
followed one after the other with such bewildering
rapidity that neither the English at Calcutta nor
the Directors in London could realise their real
^ beu ante, page 274.
354 EAPvLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
position. Before one revolution was aceomplislied
it was upset by another. One Nawab was deposed
because he was too weak ; his successor was deposed
because he was too strong. Then followed the
massacre at Patna, a disaster as terrible as that of
the Black Hole. Next came the victory at Buxar
as glorious and decisive as that of Plassey. The
battle of Plassey had made the Enghsh masters of
Bengal. The battle of Buxar and captru-e of Luck-
now had carried them into the heart of Hindustan.
Era of peace. Thc sccoud administration of Lord Clive was an
era of peace. So far his foreign policy was a
success. By giving back Oude to the Nawab Vizier
he raised a barrier between Bengal and the Mah-
rattas, which remained undisturbed for years.
Experimental Thc domcstlc poHcv of Lord CKvc was neces-
political system J- «'
saiily an experiment. Neither he, nor any of the
merchants or military officers, knew anything or
cared anything for the native administration of the
country. Lord Clive thought it best to leave the
native administration alone ; at any rate until some
experience should be gained of its actual workings.
Political considerations compelled him to be cau-
tious. The East India Company would have
alarmed native princes and Em^opean powers by the
premature assumption of the sovereignty of Bengal.
The nominal sovereignty of the Moghul still over-
shadowed the land. The conservatism of the people
of India was satisfied by the preservation of Moghul
forms. No other European power could possibly
interfere, so long as the Company acted only as
of Lord Clive.
BEGINNING OP BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 355
King's Dewan, and the native administration was
caiTied on in the name of the Nawab Nazim. No
harm could accrue from goTerning Bengal in the
name of the Moghul, although the representative of
the Moghul was living in empty and idle state
at Allahabad. In like manner, no harm could
accrue from exercising suzerainty in the name of a
pageant Nawab, who wasted his days in the same
empty and idle state at Murshedabad.
All this while the so-called Kinsj was livinsr at The puppet
~ ~ King at AUaha-
Allahabad under the supposed guardianship of the '''"^•
Nawab Yizier. He had nothing whatever to do,
directly or indirectly, with the government of the
empire. The di'eam of his life was to go to Delhi,
and sit on the throne of his fathers; but Lord
Clive steadily refused to help liim.
The Nawab Nazim of Bengal was treated with The pageant
'-' Nawab Nazim.
outward respect, but only as a pageant. Probably
he exercised less power outside Murshedabad than
one of the Company's native servants. The Eng-
lish provided for the military defence of Bengal,
concluded treaties, and made ready for war without
the slighest reference to the King or Nawab Xazim.
The native administration was left alone ; it was
superintended by the Mussulman grandee, named
Muhammad Beza Khan. This grandee had been
appointed Dej)uty Nawab by Governor Spenser,
diuing the general scramble for money which
followed the death of Meer Jaffier. Muliammad
E.eza Khan exercised real and undivided control
over the entire native administration of the three
356 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
provinces. Clive tried to introduce a check by
appointing two Hindu grandees with co-ordinate
powers; but, practically, the sole charge of the
administration of justice and collection of revenue
was left in the hands of Muhammad Eeza
Khan.
EeiatiouBbe- Thc sham of a Nawab's government was called
tween the o
NizLmur"'^^''' the Nizamut. The English were the real sovereigns,
but everything was done in the name of the
Nizamut. The Court of Directors sent out the
most stringent restrictions against any interference
with the Nizamut. The people of Bengal were left
entirely to the tender mercies of the Nizamut.
The sole political duty of the Company was to take
over the yearly revenue of the three provinces at
the annual Poona at Murshedabad. Out of this
revenue the Company paid the stipulated tribute
to the Kmg; the stipulated allowances to the
Nizamut; the salaries of their own servants, civil
and military. The surplus was placed in the
coffers of the Comj^any for the purposes of trade.
Experience of Whcu Vcrclst succccdcd Lord Clive as Governor
native
administration. £ Bcui^al, hc was alrcadv alive to the evils of the
existing system. He had been supervisor in turn of
the three districts ceded by Meer Cossim. He had
witnessed the oppression and corruption of native
administration. He discovered that his predeces-
sors had shared in the corrupt iirofits of the native
collectors. It was these discoveries that led the
Directors to make the remark already quoted, " that
an Englishman was unfit to conduct the collection
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 357
of revenue, and follow the subtle native tlirough all
his arts."
Verelst proved by his own conduct that the pians of vereist.
Directors were mistaken. He largely increased the
revenues of the three districts ; he planned a way
for protecting the cultivators from the oppressions
of the zemindars. He induced the Directors to
sanction the system inaugurated during the second
administration of Lord Clive, under which English
supervisors in every district were to interfere more or
less directly in every branch of the administration.
The so-called Native administration of Bengal evus of the
, Native adminis-
was about as bad as could be imagined. It was ^'"'^''"'•
not native in the proper sense of tlie word. It was
an administration of foreigners. The officials were
mostly adventurers from Persia; ignorant of the
ways of the people and first principles of govern-
ment ; without sympathies for Hindus ; brought up
amidst the tyranny, corruption, and anarchy which
for centuries had characterised Persian rule. • Hindu
officials had been much employed by Aliverdi
Khan ; not out of any regard for the people, but
as a check upon the Muhammadans. They were
equally as extortionate, but were more easily de-
prived of then ill-gotten gains. ^ Under such cir-
cumstances the zemindars might oppress the ryots ;
^ Meer Jaffier, as already seen, began to squeeze the Hindu grandees, but
was stopped by Clive. His successor, Meer Cossim, ruined several by his
confiscations. It was a current saying that Muhamuiadan grandees spent all
their gains in profusion and debauchery ; consequently when squeezed they
disgorged nothing. Hindu officials were more temperate; they absorbed
wealth like a sponge; when squeezed they disgorged everything.
358
EARLY RECORDS OP BRITISH INDIA.
Ignorance of
the English.
Continued
monopoly of
inland trade.
the collectors be in collusioi] with the zemindars ;
the accounts might be cooked on all sides ; there
was no one to control the collections except Mu-
hammad Eeza Khan. An English Eesident was
appointed at Murshedabad, but he could do nothing.
The Company was King's Dewan; the Nizamut
conducted the administration ; the constant ciy of
the Coui't of Dii'ectors was that no one was to
interfere.
The English knew nothing of what was going
on, excepting what they could gather during their
administration of the three districts ceded by Meer
Cossini, — Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong.
To make matters worse, the monopoly of the
inland trade in salt, betel-nut, and other articles of
native consumption, continued in the hands of the
servants of the Company. The irregular use of
dustucks was prohibited ; some restrictions were
introduced ; a few refractory European interlopers
were sent back to England ; but the servants of the
Company, from Members of Council downwards,
derived the bulk of their incomes from the inland
trade ; and their gomastas or agents continued to
oppress the people as in the days of Meer Cossim.
Helplessness of Muliammad Reza Khan was utterly helpless.
the native
administration. Mccr Cossim, wltli au army at liis back, had been
unable to resist the English. Muhammad Reza
Khan was necessarily in the hands of the Englisli.
His place, power, and wealth depended on the will
of the Company's servants. Neither he, nor the
native officials under him, could interfere in tlie
BEGINNING OF CPJTISII ADMINISTRATION. 359
trade of their European masters, or exercise the
slightest control over the rascalities and oppressions
of the gomastas.
The records of Verelst's administration are of vcrekt-s
Memorandiiin.
the utmost value. His experiences were perhaps
larger than those of any other European in Bengal.
He was a cautious man hut a thoughtful one. He
had to solve one of the most difficult prohlems
in the early history of British rule — the obligations
of the English both to the native rulers, and to the
people ruled. In 1769 he drew up an exhaustive
memorandum in which he reviews the rise of
British power in India, and the corresponding decay
of Native administration. The following extracts
furnish a sad picture of the contemporary state of
Bengal : —
"^The ascendency of the English in Hindostan is in the Rise of English
number of those events which are distinguished by a series of SeeUue'of Native
fortunate and unforeseen occurrences ; not the result of any '^^ °"^'
fixed or connected plan of policy. A colony of merchants,
governed by laws, and influenced by principles merely com-
mercial, have acquired a political title and influence over ia
country, which for extent, populousness, and annual revenue
may be compared to many of the most consequential states of
Europe ; that commerce which was once prosecuted in sub-
jection to a tyrannical government, ever ready to take advan-
tage of our weakness, and to construe the slightest omissions
into encroachments, is now but a secondary consideration; and
the native authority being too weak to control the power
which our agents derive from our name, the rights of the
natives have been generally superseded. Substantial natives
have declined risking their property in trade under such dis-
advantages, and the poor and industrious receive but a faint en-
couragement to their labours. We see, we feel, tlie increasing
360
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Character of the
Bengalees.
Weakness of
the Native
government.
Mercantile
training of the
CompauN 's
servauiB.
poverty of the coimtry, from the diminution of specie, as well
!is the slowness and partiality of its circulation. Indeed^ from
tlie reg-ulations we have made, examples we have ordered, and
the checks we have multiplied, I flatter myself that the
equality of commerce will finally be restored, and the spirit
of monopoly be destroyed.
" But the body o£ people are in a manner formed to wear
the yoke. They possess nothing' of the inquisitiveness of the
European nations ; and the most slender arts are sufficient to
obscure their understandings, and fit them for implicit sub-
mission. Those among them, who attain to employments in
our service, are generally men who have learnt so much of
our manners as to corrupt their own, and joining an acute
and versatile genius to abundance of low cunning, thev
scarcely want the consequence of the English name to prompt
them to every villany.
" Whilst the native government retained its superiority,
its tribunals were accessible, and though venality presided at
them, yet some show of justice was maintained, and, at
times, redress might be procured. The native government is
now fallen in the eye of the inhabitants, yet such restric-
tions have hitherto cramped our proceedings, as to prevent us
from taking that intimate part which our })resent character
and dignity require. The dependents of this nominal gov-
ernment have been the only instruments which we could
employ either to repress the enormities of our own agents,
or to obtain the good opinion of the coantrj'- people. Tlieir
authority is, in general, overawed, their principles too bad
to answer the former purpose, and their establishment and
conduct too temporary and too weak for the latter, so that
the English name has been only all-powerful to do mischief;
and a mortifying spectacle of fraud and oppression on the one
hand, and imbecility on the other, has been exhibited to us,
without the power of interposing.
"In the infancy of our settlement, with all our care and
prudence, we could ill defend ourselves from the forged accu-
sations or open attacks of the government ; we looked no
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 3G1
farther than the provision of the Company^s investment; we
sought advantaijes to onr trade u'ith the ingenuity, I may
addj selfishness of merchants. All onr laws were local and
municipal, reachino- no farther than onr own exigencies and
conveniencies ; all our servants and dependents were trained
and educated in the same notions; the credit of a good bar-
gain was the utmost scope of their ambition.
'' No sooner did we begin to feel onr own strength, than Sud<ien rise to
our successes followed one another with such rapidity, as to ^'^ ' ''"'' ^°"^'"^'
advance us from a state of obscurity or mediocrity, to power,
affluence, and national reputation. At length we saw our-
selves, though yet under the name of merchants, masters
and administrators of a legislative authority : we began to
plan, direct, and inspirit every measure of government,
whether with regard to foreign treaties or domestic regu-
lations. Wealth flowed in upon us from every side. Our
investment was extended : we supported the whole trade of
India; and, from our resources, gave security to it in every
quarter. But this was rather a temporary thana solid situ-
ation ; and we soon discovered, that though our acquisitions
had been made in so short a space as scarcely to be paralleled,
considering their immensity, yet a well-digested system was
necessary to introduce permanency in our establishment.
The defects and imperfections of which were too apparent to
escape our observation. Our dependents, accustomed to apply
their talents to present gain, and to extract advantages from
the smallest opening, assumed an importance proportionable
to our successes, grew immoderate, and disclaimed their
dependency on the native government.
" In this situation we could not retract without exposing conflicting
ourselves to a second stage of obscurity, perhaps lower than ti'L E.VgUsii and
the first. Our circumstances impefled us forward, and the ^ '^'^°'" "
grant of the Dewanny became as much an object of necessity
as it was of advantage. Thus we insensibly broke down the
barrier betwixt us and government,' and the native grew
* By the term " governmeut," Mr, Verelst meaus the Nizamut. By " officers
of goveruuieut," he means the "officers of the Nizamut."
302
EARLY RECORDS OFBRITISII INDIA.
IntPi'forenee
iorbidden.
Evil resultu.
Obligation of
the English to
the people of
Bengal.
uncertain where his obedience was due. Such a divided and
complicated authority gave rise to oppressions and intrigues
unknown at any other period ; the officers of government
caught the infection^ and being removed from any immediate
control, proceeded with still greater audacity.
*' In the meantime we were repeatedly and peremptorily
forbideu to avow any public authority over the officers of
government in our own names, and enjoined to retain our
primitive characters of merchants with the most scrupulous
delicacy.
'^ The consequences are but too evidently exemplified in
the decline of commerce and cultivation, the diminution of
specie, and the general distresses of the j)oor; a train of evils
which could only have sprung from the above causes, since
every advantage of a long and uninterrupted tranquillity has
been on our side. Experience must convince the most
prejudiced, that to hold vast possessions, and yet to act on
the level of mere merchants, making immediate gain our
first principle ; to receive an immense revenue, without
possessing an adequate protective power over the people who
pay it ; to be really interested in the grand and generous
object, the good of the whole, and yet to pursue a narrow
and partial end ; — are paradoxes not to be reconciled, hig-hly
injurious to our national character, dangerous to the best
defended establishment, and absolutely bordering on in-
humanity.
"The people give us the labour of their hands, and in
ireturn we owe them our protection ; common prudence, as
, well as the laws of society, require that those obligations
; should be reciprocal, or the tie must soon be dissolved ; for
■• the firmest security of every government is the aifections of
the people ; and for obtaining them, there never, perhaps,
' presented a more favourable opportunity, or more noble field,
than what the English possess in Bengal. The mildness of
our government, properly diffused over these provinces, will
form so conspicuous a contrast to Mahomedan despotism,
that it must bind them to us and our cause for ever.
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADIMINISTEATION. 363
'' I have hitherto considered our interest in this country Appointment of
as built on a precarious foundation, because this cement was visora.
wanting- to bind it; and, in this point of view, I am parti-
cularly happy on the late resolutions which have been taken
to appoint English Supra-visors, as an introduction to so
desirable an event."
*' But there is a rock, and a dangerous one, which requires the Dangers of
greatest circumspection to avoid. We have stepped forth the Nizamut.
beyond all former precedent or example. We have the best
and most laudable of all arguments to justify our conduct.
But it should be remembered, that we have reached that
supreme line, which, to p«ss, would be an open avowal of
sovereignty. It should be remembered, that we cannot be
more, without being greater than sound policy allows; the
interests of our employers at home, no less than our national
connections abroad, forbid it. If we were, before the change,
cautious of interfering with the native government, and of
awakening- the jealousy of foreign nations, we ought now to
redouble our prudence. The change itself, supposing the
greatest forbearance on our parts, has an unavoidable tend-
ency to destroy the name of the Nizamut, by which means,
what might have been the happiest event for the Company and
nation may become the source of perplexities and jealousies,
if not the deprivation of the Company's privileges.
" There is, however, a middle way, where moderation must xhe middle way.
guide and continue us; where we may walk with safety, ad-
vantage, and consistency without danger of too much confine-
ment or too much liberty. Exteriors should be regarded as
essentials. Every order should scrupulously wear the sanction
of the native government. Our dependence on its indulgen-
cies, our obedience to its commands, our delicacy to its min-
isters, should appear most conspicuous in all transactions,
either of business or ceremony. I am not ignorant how
difficult it is always to preserve and affect that temperate rule
of conduct which I mention, when the power and direction
of all departments so entirely concentre in your Board, and
may be still more difficult to produce a proper conformity in
364 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
the Supra- visors ; for these reasons I am thus earnest in my
representations^ and am of opinion that the whole weijjht
and vio-ilauee of this Board should be exerted to check the most
trifling variation from the line, and to preserve the idea of
the native g-overnment, its dignity aud superiority over all,
as entire and unimpaired as possible.
Puties of snpra- ^ ' Without departing from these maxims, we shall have
visors : trammff .
for higher posts, sufficient Opportunities to answer all our views; our power will
not be less efficacious in being exercised with prudence. The
Supra-visorships will affijrd you a set of servants capable of
succeeding, in their turn, to the first offices ; that station will
introduce them to a perfect knowledge of the laws and cus-
toms of the country ; they will form a judgment upon the
spot of the dispositions of the people ; they will see with their
own eyes the prevalent abuses of office, the villainy of agents,
and, in short, the true spring of the misery or happiness of
the country. Thus much may be advanced wath confidence,
that it' this measure meets with the necessary support and
encouragement, there cannot fail being a regular succession
of able aud vigorous administrators. The service, at present,
affords many young men of promising parts and abilities. As
the Supra-visorshipsmay be called a nursery for them, in res-
]iect to the government of the countr}', so in like manner
their experience in commercial matters, before they reach
Council, must bring them acquainted with our commercial in-
terest ; and as these are the grand foundation and support of
our prosperity, they must be deemed the essential part of their
education.
Abuses nn<ier " But from what has been said of the characters of the peo-
Bjstem! '"^ pie who are employed du'ectly by us, or intermediately tor us,
every thinking person must be sensible of one ca])ital defect
in our government, that the members of it derive their sole
advantages from commerce, carried on through black agents,
who again employ a numerous band of retainers. It is notorious
that, at times, the agents of the lowest servants hav^e
domineered over the ryot and kept the officers of government
in a state of awe or sulyectiun ; and it cannot be suj)posed
BEGINNING OF BraXISH ADMINISTRATION. 365
that more respectable names are not equally misapplied. It
would be as easy to chaug-e the genius and manuers of the
people, as to prevent the banians, and followers of men
in station, from abusing their master's name. Chastisement
may deter the oppressor for a moment ; but, in such cases the
servility of the people must be removed, before oppression
can be eradicated. Perwannahs have been recalled and sup-
pressed ; excellent effects will doubtless flow from it, but the
idea of name and authority will still be held up by rapacious
agents for their own ends. The conclusion I draw from it is
this, that was it possible to form an administration totally
free from commercial views and connections, restrictive laws
would and must then have their course ; whereas banians
and agents, by the spirit with which they act, and the
force of their example, will always obstruct their good
effects, and propagate a disrespect and delusion o£ them in
others.
*' To form such an administration, I not only think possible English Mem-
but easy. I would propose that, from the admission of a u, cease trading
member into Council, he put an entire conclusion to his '° '^"^'^ "
trade ; and, in lieu of it, that he receive a certain allowance,
charo-eable upon the country ; which allowance should be
augmented in proportion to the improvements made, and its
internal prosperity : a method of reward the most honour-
able that can be devised for those that are to receive it, and
the most beneficial to the community, being unencumbered
with the consequences, anxieties, and relations of private
affairs. The members of administration will have a more
undivided attention to the public, and their orders be more
thoroughly respected, and more vigorously obeyed.''
The wisdom of the foref?om"^ observations will he Permanent
'-' ^ value "f
admitted by all who are familiar with the past obselvauons.
and present history of India. They are sufficient
to show that, however Mr. Yerelst may have been
judged by his contemporaries, he was emphatically
a man in advance of his time.
ggg EARLY PtECORDS OF BKITISH INDIA.
The following extract is taken from tlie proceed-
ings of the Select Committee in connection with
the employment of Supervisors ; it indicates still
more clearly the existing state of the native admin-
istration : —
Causes of "The Committee, having" endeaA^onred to trace and assig-n
xis lug VI . ^1^^ ^^^^^ cause of our declining situation, unanimously agree
that the following imperfections, in the formation and conduct
of the system hitherto pursued, are the grand and original
sources thereof: —
Want of control. '^ 1. The want of sufficient checks in the instruments of
government, who are generally adventurers from Persia,
educated in the manners and principles of a government where
tyranny, corruption, and anarchy are predominant; who are
strangers to the customs, and indifferent to the welfare of
this country ; and who cannot by any vigilance be restrained,
or by any severity be deterred, from practising their native
oppressions, over a timid, servile, and defenceless people.
Supreme '^ 2. The delegation of a trust and authority to one, or to
authority lodged ^ • ^ • ,^ i •■\- • t •• r
inihehundsof a fcw, which require the abilities and activity oi many to
one or a few. .... . • i ^ (• i
execute ; an error which is notoriously the cause of those
departments being worse administered, but give rise to a
complex corruption, which is difficult, if not impossible, to
be detected. The avenues of justice are by those means
obstructed, and the injured are frequently at a loss where to
prefer their complaints, and in whom the right of decision
is invested.'
ifftiornneeof " ^' 11^® iguorauce of the real produce and capacity of the
the Eugiish. country, in which we are necessarily kept by a set of men,
who first deceive us from interest, and afterwards continue
the deception from fear of punishment, and a necessary
regard to their own safetv.
Host of native "4. The numcrous train of dependents and underlings,
epeu cu s. ^r^^om the collectors entertain ; whose demands, as well as
the avarice of their principals, are to be satisfied from the
' This paragraph is evidently aimed at Muhammad Reza Khau.
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 367
spoils of the industrious lyot, who thus loses all confidence
in the government, and seeks protection in other places, where
he has better hoj^es to see his industry rewarded.
" 5. The venality which forms part of the genius of the wnaiuy.
people, and which is known to be openly exercised, or tacitly
allowed by government, without drawing any shame or dis-
credit on the guilty, or being thought any peculiar hardship
on the injured.
" 6. The collusion of the collectors with the zemindars Collusions of
1 • 1 eolleetors luid
whom the collector employ's as a tool to serve nis m.alprac- zemiudaia.
tices, or admits an associate in his fraudulent gains.
" 7. The oppressions to which the ryot is subject from the Oppression of
,.,„ ^ ^ • 1 1 gomastahs.
multitude of gomastahs and their dependents.
" The Committee are convinced that this degree of power Summing up of
• 1 ini 11 •! J'-- 1 I- ^^^ case.
Without control, or knowledge without participation, and oi
influence without any effectual counteraction, is too important
and replete in the consequences to be vested in any three
ministers, or rather one single man ; who, allowing him the
clearest preference for integrity, ability, and attachment
among his countrymen, cannot be supposed superior to tempta-
tion ; and at least ought not, in good policy, to be trusted so
extensively and independently as has been necessarily the con-
sequence of the present system :' while the Company are in
reality the principals in the revenues of this countiy, and the
most interested in tlie good conduct of its government, every
bar should be removed that tends to preclude them from a know-
ledge of its real state. In the above causes, and others de-
ducible fromi them, the Committee discerns, with great regret,
the original source and present inveteracy of many of those
evils under which these provinces are at present oppressed.
" The frequent and peremptory restrictions which the Court Peremptorj'
of Directors had thought proper to impose on us, and that hJurfe^^ce.'
line of conduct from which no deviation was allowed, and the
smallest surveyed with jealousy, have hitherto left us without
any choice of measures, freedom of action, or power of re-
formation.
' Here, again, \'erelst is alluding lo Mutiammud Kcza Khau.
308
EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Necessity for
interference.
pancHonof ''Their last letter has now offered iis the sanction that was
fcupra-visors. SO essentially necessary for the welfare and improvement of
these provinces, as well as for our own vindication in the pur-
suit of such plans as we may judge advisable to adopt. By
that letter, the Directors seem to approve of the distribution
and allotment of the country into farms, and of the appoint-
ment of European gentlemen to supervise the different pro-
vinces, and to control the conduct of the agents of the
country government. From this permission, we have a well-
grounded expectation of success to our design of introducing
new regulations; and the event will, we are flattered, be the
strongest confirmation of the propriety of those regulations.
" We have always acted as fur as the nature of the occasion
would allow with the most scrupulous regard to the rules
l)rescribed to us by by our employers ; and, on our first acces-
sion to the Dewanny, chose rather to assume the slow but
certain conviction of experience for our guide, than attempt
innovations on the precarious foundation of opinion. But
now that whole pages of our records are filled with so many
incontestible evidences, that great alterations are wanting to
form a mode of collection, which may be restrictive to the
collector, and indulgent to the ryot, we are happy in finding
the sentiments of our employers so aptly correspondent to
our opinion, and the necessity of the juncture. Every native
of any substance or character in this country has been
successively tried in the department of the collections. Fear,
reward, severity, and indulgence, have all failed, and ended
in a short political forbearance, or additional acts of dis-
honesty and rapine.
" On an alarm of inspection, or at the annual Poona, they
tion and oppres- „ , , , • i • i • i i
Bion. frame accounts to serve the occasion ; or by involving them
in confusion and ambiguity, waste time till it becomes too
late to continue the process against them, without hazarding
new losses in the revenue : and thus the culpable not only
escape punishment, but often obtain a prolongation of tlieir
appointments. Many flagrant grievances reach our ears, but,
in a country of such extent, there are, doubtless, many more
cuucealod Ironi Uf ; and, what is equally true under our
Secret corrup-
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 3(59
present disadvantages, they are, and must remain, inexplorable ;
we can neither redress grievances, nor effect improvements.
With regard to the former, our distance, and our too indirect
information through ministerial channels, set the offender
bej^ond our reach, and the impossibility of having time and
competent knowledge puts the latter out of our power.
" Enough has been said, and more might be produced, to Necessity for
,,.,,, .... pi'omoting
prove that the system, estabhshed and now pursuing in this cultivation, and
country, is deficient in every particular that is requisite to
defend and support the poor from the injustice and oppres-
sion of the strong, and to increase its value to its possessors,
by promoting the industry of the ryot and manufacturer.
" That although we have seen these evils growing and prey-
ing upon the vitals of the country, we have been unable to stop
their progress, or afford effectual protection to the people.
" Lastly, that we can never hope to emerge from that
uncertainty and ignorance into which this system has thrown
us, whilst we sit tamely and will admit of no variation in it.
" Let us now turn our eyes and attention to a more pleasing prosperous
scene : to Burdwan, and the rest of the Company's proprie- three ceded
, . districts,
tary lauds, where we ourselves have been the managers.
Plenty, content, population, increase of revenue, without
increase of burthen, are now the effects ; and form so forcible
an argument in the comparative view, that nothing can
strengthen, nothing can render it plainer or more convincing.
''And here the Committee cannot hesitate in drawing a Administration
, extended to all
decisive conclusion — that the same or similar regulations of the provincei.
be established throughout the provinces in every distinct
district. The same beneficial consequences to the country
and Company may be expected from them, and by an in-
creased security of the property of individuals, as also by an
encouragement to cultivation and commerce, they may give
a new flow to the circulation of specie, which is become so
limited as to affect every rank and profession.
"The Committee are sensible that much application, in- Extent of the
. , work.
tegrity, good conduct, and time will be necessary to retrieve the
desolations of the native collectors ; to raise the sinking heart
Z
370 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
of the ryot from despair to confidence and hope ; to re-pepple
and settle the deserted and uncultivated tracts, and to take
every advantage of the abundant fertility of the lands.
Imperfect *' The progress towards this desirable change must be gra-
knowiedge. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ imperfect knowledge of the soil,
the productions, the value, the capacity of the various pro-
vinces, and sub-divisions of the country. This, however, is the
foundation on which, and which only, we can build with suc-
cess and direct our grand design with judgment ; and to
acquire this knowledge should therefore be our first care, by
means of tlie minutest local investigation, for none other can
give us an authentic record to refer to on every occasion as an
established authority ; nor can we judge of the lenity, rigour,
or propriety of any of our resolutions respecting the country,
without such a work completely and accurately executed.
Relations be- *' The Committee concurring in the necessity of pursuing the
Sie'ileTat abovc work in the most effectual manner, that when perfected
Murshedabad. ^^^^ ^^^ proceed in the important business before them ; and
being farther induced by the opinion of the Court of Direct-
ors, expressed in their last letter of the Uth November 1768,
agree unanimously to the following resolutions : —
" That, in every province or district, a gentleman in the
service be appointed, with or without assistance, in proportion
to the extent of the district, whose office or department is
to be subordinate to the resident of the Durbar.'-'
Native adminis. TliG mstructloiis to the Supervisors have become
t ration of jus- , i • i p j
^'''- obsolete, but the following remarks which reter to
the native administration of justice are interesting
and suggestive : —
" It is difficult to determine whether the original customs
or the degenerate manners of the Mussulmans have most con-
tributed to confound the principles of right and wrong in
these provinces. Certain it is, that almost every decision of
theirs is a corrupt bargain with the highest bidder. The
numerous ofTeuces which are compromised by fines have left
a "-rcat latitude for unjust determinations. Trifling offenders^
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 371
and even many condemned on fictitious accusations, are fre-
quently loaded with heavy demands, and capital criminals
are as often absolved by the venal judge. Your conduct in
all capital offences should be to enforce justice where the law
demands it, checking every composition by fine or mulct ;
and where any disputes arise in matters of property, you
should recommend the method of arbitration to any other ;
and inculcate strongly in the minds of the people that we are
not desirous to augment our revenue by such impositions, but
to acquire their confidence by the equity and impartiality of our
proceedings, and by our tenderness for their happiness. The
arbitrators should be men chosen by the parties themselves,
and of known integrity, and whose circumstances may sup-
pose them exempt from venality, and promise best to insure
their rectitude. In capital crimes, the sentence should, be-
fore execution, be referred to me, and by me to the ministers of
the Nizamut, that they may ultimately approve or mitigate it,
according to the peculiarity of the case. You are further to
observe, that the want of regular registers of all causes and
determinations have encouraged the natural propensity of the
native judge to bribery and fraud by making him easy with
respect to any future prosecution on a re-hearing of the cases
which have been thus partially determined. Whereas, whilst a
reference to records is always open, he must live in perpetual
fear of detection. One of these registers should be lodged in
the principal cutcherry of the province, and an authenticated
copy transmitted to Murshedabad. As to suits on account of re-
venues, these will, we are flattered, be much obviated in future
by the happy consequences of our possessing a real, local, and
undisguised knowledge of the country ; which we promise our-
selves from the investigations above mentioned, and from your
diligence and exactness in the performance of the several duties.
'* For the ryot being eased and secured from all burthens Leases to ryots.
and demands but what are imposed by the legal authority of
government itself, and future pottahs ' being granted him,
specifying that demand ; he should be taught that he is to
^ Leases.
372 EARLY RECOEDS OP BRITISH INDIA.
regard the same as a sacred and inviolable pledge to him,
that be is liable to no demands beyond their amount. Tliere
can, therefore, be no pretence for suits on that account; no
room for inventive rapacitj" to practise its usual arts : all will
be fair, open, regular. Every man will know what be can
call and defend as bis own ; and the spirit of lawless en-
croachment subsiding, for want of a field for exercise, will be
cbanged into a spirit of industry ; and content and security
will take place of continual alarms and vexations.
Other reforms. ''The iustaucc wbcrc vcnal, iguoraut, and rapacious judges
avail themselves of a crude and mercenary system of laws of
the prevalance of licentiousness and the force of reigning
habits and customs, have been already mentioned. I can only
repeat, that it is your part to endeavour to reform all these
corruptions which have encroached on the primitive rights of
both the Mahomedans and Hindoos; particularly by abolish-
ing the arbitrary imposition of fines, and recommending all in
your power the more equitable method of arbitration.
Control of Kazis "The officcrs of justicc aud Kazis who are established
rd mm!,. ^^ ^^^^ Mahomcdau law, as also the ^Brahmins, who administer
justice among the Hindoos, in every village, town, and quarter,
should all be summoned to appear, produce their Sunnuds, or
authority for acting, and register them. Records, of what-
ever cases are heard and determined, are to be sent to and
deposited in the Sudder Cutcherry of the province, aud
monthly return thereof forwarded to Murshedabad.
Rcsistration of *' The register of Sunnuds is intended to deter any from
Bunnuds. exercising a judicial, because lucrative function, who may not
be legally appointed by government, if a Mahomedau, or
fairly elected by his caste, if a Hindoo. And the depositing
of all cases and determinations, added to the other regulation,
will figure to the several officers a vigorous and observant
power, watching all their actions, and, in case of abuses,
direct you at once to the culpable.
Forfeit of caste. The pccuHar punishmcut of forfeiting castes, to which the
Hindoos are liable, is often inflicted from private pique and
])er!sonal resentment amongst themselves; and recpiires to be
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 373
restrained to those occasions only where there may be a regu-
lar process, and clear proofs of the offence before the Brali-
mins, who are their natural judges. But when any man has
naturally forfeited his caste, you are to observe that he cannot
be restored to it without the sanction of goverumeut, which
was apolitical supremacy reserved to themselves by the Maho-
medans, and which, as it publicly asserts the subordination of
Hindus, who are so considerable a majority of subjects, ought
not to be laid down ; though every indulgence and privilege
of caste should be otherwise allowed them.
The foUowinsf evidence about the oppressions of oppressions of
the zemindars may be regarded as trustworthy : —
" The truth cannot be doubted that the poor and industri-
ous tenant is taxed by his zemindar, or collector, for every
extravagance that avarice, ambition, pride, vanity, or in-
temperance may lead him into, over and above what is gener-
ally deemed the established rent of his lands. If he is to
be married, a child born, honours conferred, luxury indulgedj
and nuzzurannas, or fines, exacted, even for his own mis-
conduct, all must be paid by the ryot. And what heightens the
distressful scene, the more opulent, who can better obtain redress
for imposition, escape, while the weaker are obliged to submit."
The drain of silver out of Hindustan was pro- Drain ot suver;
ducinsr the most lamentable results. The followino'
extracts from a dispatch to the Court of Directors
will throw some light on the subject : —
" We have frequently expressed to you our apprehension
lest the annual exportation of treasure to China would pro-
duce a scarcity of money in the country. This subject be-
comes every day more serious, as we already feel, in a very
sensible manner, the effects of the considerable drain made
from the silver currency. Experience will ever yield stronger
conviction than the most abstiact and refined reasoning.
"Whatever sums had formerly been remitted to Delhi Non-return of
were amply reimbursed by the returns made to the immense ^'^"'^
374) EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
commerce of Bengal, which might be considered as the
central point to which all the riches of India were attracted.
Its manufactures found their way to the remotest part of
Hindostan, and specie flowed in by a thousand channels that
are at present lost and obstructed. All the European com-
panies formed their investments with money brought into the
country; the Gulphs ^ poured in their treasures into this
river ; and across the continent, an inland trade was driven
to the westward to the extremity of the kingdom of Guzerat
Vast exports '' How widely different from these are the j^resent cir-
cumstances of the Nabob^s dominions ! Immense treasures
have lately been carried out of the provinces by Meer Cossim,
which may possibly be reserved as a fund to excite future
troubles. Each of the European companies, by means of
money taken up in the country, have greatly enlarged
their annual investments, without adding a rupee to the
riches of the province. On the contrary, the increase of
exports to Europe has proved so great a restraint upon the
industry of private merchants, that we will venture to affirm
the balance from Europe, in favour of Bengal, amounts to
a very trifling sum in specie. We know of no foreign trade
existing at present which produces a clear balance in money,
except that carried on with the ports of Judda, j\Ioeha, and
Bassora, from whence not fifteen lakhs ^ in bullion have been
returned in the course of four years.
Threatened ruin « Wheu the provinccs of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa came
of Bengal. . . t , • ji i -i • i
under your jurisdiction, they were much sunk in opulence,
population, and manufactures, from their ancient importance.
The almost continual irruptions of the Mahrattas, under the
government of AUiverdy Khan, and the avarice of the
ministers under the supineness of Seraj-u-doulah, the
necessities of Meer Jafiier, and the iron hand of the rapa-
cious and bloodthirsty Meer Cossim, struck equally at the
property of the rich, and industry of the poor : and while it
reduced the one to indigence, compelled the other to seek
' The two Gulphs of Mocha and Persia.
2 1.87,500/.
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 3^5
safety in flight. If to these we add, first^ the immense
amount in specie and jewels to the value of between three
and five crores of rupees ' secreted or carried oiF by Cossim
after his several defeats had obliged him to relinquish all
hopes of a reinstatement : 2ndly, the royal tribute of twenty-
six 3 lakhs and the expence of about twenty lakhs for a brigade,
both paid annually out of the provinces, and consequently
out of the sphere of our immediate circulation : 3rdly, the
annual amount of our own, and the other nations' investments,
for which no value is received into the country : 4thly, the
large exports of bullion to China and the different pre-
sidencies during the three last years : and lastly, the un-
avoidable misfortune and capital drain, the immense sums
paid into tlie cash of foreign nations, for bills on their
respective Companies. I say, the aggregate of these several
exports must appear inevitable and immediately ruinous to
the most flourishing state, much less be deemed tolerable to a
declining and exhausted country ! Yet it is in this situation
tlie Court of Directors, and the nation in general, have been
induced to expect prodigious remittances in specie, from a
country which produces little gold and no silver ; and where
any considerable imports of both have, for a series of years, been
rendered necessary to the trade of foreign Companies, by the
general demands for draughts on Europe.^'
It appears from anotlier calculation that during Rise in the
, value ol rupees.
three years the exports of bulhon from Bengal
exceeded five millions sterling, whilst the imports
of bullion were little more than half a million. .
Meantime the rupee rose to an exchange value of
two-and-sixpence.
The views of Yerelst on the political situa- views of vccist
, on foreigu
tion of Bengal as regards the native powers m "ff'"'^.
J Between 3,750,000?. and 6,250,G00i.
■ 325,060^.
376
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Prostration of
the Moghul
empire.
Weakness of
Native powers.
Hindustan may be gatlierod from tlie following
extracts : —
"^^ The first and great cause of our security is the general
indigence of the ]\Iog'hul empire. The invasion of Nadir Shah
gave the first stroke to its power and oi:)ulence, but it fell not
so heavily as is commonly imagined. It gave a mortal
wound, it is true, to the overgrown wealth and arrogance of
the Moghul grandees; but, as the blow was not pursued, its
effect was not immediately felt beyond the capital. The erup-
tion of the Mahrattas ensued, their wide-extended ravages laid
desolate almost everything on the south side of the Ganges,
from near the frontiers of Behar on the east, to Sirhind on
the north and west. Their undistinguishing rapine plunged
cities and countries in one common ruin, and the empire must
have sunk under their oppression, or fallen a prey to their
ambition, if the defeat at Paniput had not put a period at
once to their power and devastations.' The expeditions of
Ahmad Shah Abdali succeeded, which, though neither so
extensive, destructive, or bloody as those of the Mahrattas,
still conduced greatly to exhaust a declining- state; and
though his sphere of action was chiefly confined to the Panjab
and confines of Dehli, yet the vast sums he levied must have
been severely felt throughout a country which produces no
silver, and but very little gold. So large a decrease of specie
naturally produced a decay of trade, and a diminution of
cultivation ; and, though these evils have, in some measure, been
palliated in our provinces by the annual imports of bullion,
yet in the most flourishing interior parts, such as Benares,
Mirzapore, &c., the fact is notorious, and beyond disjiute,
" The natural consequence of these circumstances has been,
that the difflu'ent native powers find their finances narrow, and
their treasures unequal to the maintenance of a respectable
army, or the prosecution of a war of any duration. When-
ever, therefore, they are urged by ambition or necessity to
1 The Mahrattas were defeated by the Afghans under Ahmad Shah
AMnli in 1761.
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 377
enter on any expedition, they assemble new levies for the
purpose with the most unreflecting- jirecipitancy ; they risk
everything- on one campaign, hecause they have seldom re-
sources ibr a second ; and come to an engagement at all events,
because the consequences of a defeat are less terrible than
those which miist ensue from the desertion or sedition of an
ill-paid and disaffected army. As their troops, then, are
chiefly raw men and aliens, they are without attachment to
their general, or confidence in each other : a variety of indepen-
dent commanders destroys all subordination and authority ;
and the certainty of beggary and starving from the common
accidents of war, throws a damp on the most ardent bravery.
" These circumstances, I apprehend, gentlemen, have been Engish victories.
very principal sources of our repeated victories over these
immense Asiatic armies, which have fled before a handful of
your troops ; and these will, I trust, either deter others in
future, or ensure success against any who may be desp»erate
enough to brave a force like ours, so strengthened by disci-
pline, and rendered formidable by uninterrupted successes.
" A second, and no less powerful reason for the security Discordancy
. . .of Native
of our situation, is the discordancy of the principles, views, princes,
and interests of the neighbouring powers ; and which must
ever defeat any project of accomplishing, by an association,
what the wealth or power of a single one must prove unequal
to. The majority of the present princes of Hindostan have
no natural right to the countries they possess. In the
general wreck of the monarchy, every man seized what
fortune threw into his hands ; and they are, therefore, more
studious to secure what they have already obtained, than to
grasp at new acquisitions. Hence, the principal disturbances
which have lately happened in Hindostan (Shuja-u-daula^s
invasion of Bengal excepted) have been accidental broils
raised by the Mahrattas, Sikhs, and Ahmad Shah Abdali,
whose views were rather extended to ]dunderthan to territorial
possessions. Conscious that the maintenance of their usurped
authority depends on their preventing any of the members
from being too much depressed, or too much elevated, they
378
EARLY RECOEDS OP BRITISH INDIA.
English holding
the balance in
Hindostan.
Charafter and
situation of na-
tive powers.
The King Shah
Alani.
are become jealous and suspicious of each other, aud ever
ready to throw in their weight against any one wliom they
see rising too high above the common level. For this reason,
they at first looked on our successes with an evil eye ; still
our generosity to Shuja-u-daula, our attention to our trea-
ties and public faith, and, above all, our moderation in
not pursuing our victories, begot a confidence in us they had
not in their countrymen, and made them rather ambitious
of our friendship than jealous of our power.
" Thus circumstanced, it will always be easy for a watchful
and active administration on our side to hold the general
balance of Hindustan, and crush every combination in the
bud, by spiriting up some neighbouring power, who may be
either ill-disposed, or at least not favourable to the con-
federates. A very little acquaintance with the disposition of
the natives will shew their ardour for change, where they have
a prospect of support ; and the situation of Allahabad, and the
station of a brigade there, renders this plan still more practi-
cable. Its situation makes it, in some measure, the key of
the surrounding territories ; and its vicinity to the several
countries of Shuja-u-daula, the Kohillas, Jauts, aud Mah-
rattas, enables us to penetrate their views with more
certainty, and in case of necessity, to enter any part with our
army in ten or fifteen days, where we can have either an ally
to support, or an enemy to punish. It is for these reasons,
we have been obliged to retain a brigade out of the pro-
vinces. Our repeated resolutions in Committee will, I doubt
not, evince our earnest desire to fulfil your orders on this
head, and the necessity itself excuses us for keeping it there
as long as these reasons shall subsist.
" Such, gentlemen, seem to be the general causes of our
present security here ; but they receive additional strength
from the particular characters and situations of the several
potentates themselves.
"The King Shah Alam, acknowledged emperor of Hindu-
stan, retains little of the authority or dominions of his
ancestors, but what he has derived from us. The provinces
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 379
of Korali and AllahaLad yield him a revenue of about
twenty-seven lakhs 1 per annum, at a rack-rent ; this is
almost exhausted, to support rather the name than the sub-
stance of an army, whilst the Bengal tribute defrays the
expenees of his court and household, and enables him to
live in an affluence, if not with a splendour, he never before
enjoyed. His abilities are rather below mediocrity, and his
character seems rather calculated for private life than a
throne. He is religious as a man, affectionate as a father,
and humane as a master ; but as a prince he is weak,
indolent, irresolute, and easily swayed by the counsels of self-
interested men : I cannot, however, think we have anything
to apprehend from these dispositions ; the remembrance of
what he experienced, when dependent on Shuja-u-daula,
has created in him such a diffidence of Hindustan connexions
as will effectually prevent him trusting himself to any of
them again ; and, at the same time, he probably entertains
a distant hope that the hand which has already raised him to
his present independence, may one day be extended to restore
him to his throne and right.
" The King has lately affected great earnestness to under- Anxiety of the
take his favourite expedition to Dehli. Bat the lowness ofDemJ"^"'"
his finances threaten his project with a very sudden abortion.
The weakness of his disposition is no less evident in the ad-
ministration of his domestic affairs, than in the formation
of his political schemes. Perpetual changes of his ministers
and confidants have bred an uncertainty and distrust in the
minds of all his adherents, which has cheeked public spirit,
and produced a general turn to selfish pursuits. "With a
treasury so ill supplied, and a court so ill affected, it is more
than probable, if he should advance, that he will be preyed on
by his own servants ; and being awakened from his delusion
by a scene of beggary and contempt, will ultimately take
protection in our provinces.
"' From these conclusions it was I formed my opinion
1 337,500^ The King drew the revenue of Korah and Allahabad ia
addition to the tribute which he drew from the English in Bengal.
380 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
some months ag-o, when I acquiesced in His Majesty's
requisition of two battalions ; and all circumstances since have
served to corroborate that opinion. An occasion of demon-
strating- the sincerity of our professions, without subjecting- us
to any apparent inconvenience, were too inviting- advantages
to be neglected, and may be derived from our connections
with his Majesty.
Necessity for " As the ncccssity of retaining His Majesty under our
Kinir at Allah- influence, or separating ourselves entirely from him, is a
maxim in our system, and as the former seems most pro-
bable, we should be careful how we allow strangers to assume
the management of his councils. Our conduct towards liim
is plain. We must either contrive to guide him at a distance,
or so to palliate, that, if unsuccessful, he may consider us as
his protectors, our provinces as the place of his refuge.
s<iperior advan- "All thinfirs, at present, seem tending to the latter, and it
tau'e of the n ^ i. ■> a
Kine removing jg ^n eveut most to be wishcd : but I had rather His Maiestv
to Bengal. , . i i i •
should make the proposition, than that we should give the
invitation. Disappointment may correct his impatience, and
difficulties may teach him prudence. The treachery of Hin-
dustan professions will prepare him better for the frank, plain
declarations of his Enj^lish allies; and there is the g-reatest
reason to believe he will return to us with repentance,
shnja-u-dauia, « The Nawab Shuja-u-daula is our next ally ; and, if
>;awab Vizier . . ti • ^ j^ ^ l i
of oude. gratitude can be any tie on an hlmuustau heart, we nave
every reason to consider him as connected with us by the
most indissoluble bonds. His dominions, except the zemin-
dar}'- of Bulwant Sing, lie on the north of the Ganges, and
extend to the hills ; and, though they are more thinly peopled
than is common in this country, have been so much improved
by his late regulations in them, as to produce annually near
one crore and twenty-five lakhs of rupees.' His increase of
strength has kept pace with his increase of revenue. He has
near eleven battalions of sepoys of all sorts, a good body of
horse, and has made considerable additions to his artillery and
magazines; but, as his whole revenue can never support a
' 1,563,500/.
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 381
force which can be really formidable to us, so it will always
be in our power to direct the force be has to such purposes
as may best conduce to the interest of the Honourable Com-
pany and the general }>eace. The Nawab's education, and
perhaps disposition, have led Lim to be vain, aspiring-, and
impatient. He is active, but desultory ; his judgment
rather acute than sound ; and his generalship and policy
more plausible than solid. From pride, or jealousy, he is
afraid to employ men of abilities or rank in the several
departments of his government ; he plans, directs, oversees,
and executes everything himself ; so that the multiplicity
of business, and his daily increasing infirmities, oblige him
to leave his best designs imperfect and crude. His ambition,
it is true, is always inciting him to form new projects, but
his volatility induces him to be continually abandoning
some, and his impetuosity often renders the remainder
abortive. In a word, from a most careful review of his
character and conduct, he seems a much proper instrument
to accomplish the Compauy^s main point, the maintaining
themselves the empire of Hindustan, than an enemy who,
from his strength or situation, could give them any material
uneasiness or trouble."
Mr. Yerelst contemplated a measure, as resjards proposed
-•- ^ detlircinenient
tlie Nizam of Hyderabad, wliieli reads somewhat °^ '^^ ^'^''™-
strangely in tlie present day. The Xizani had
proved refractory. He had joined Hyder All of
Mysore in his war against the Enghsh at Madi-as.
Verelst proposed to punish him, and set up another
Nizam in his room. He proceeded after Moghul
forms. He procured a grant from the King at
Allahabad of the whole of the Nizam's dominions.
The name of the person to whom the grant was to
be made was left blank. The grant was sent to
Madras. The English at Madras were told to depose
382
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Grant of a
blank firman to
the Englsh for
the Subahdar-
Bhip of the
Cekhan,
Begets of
VerelBt.
the Nizam, and set up another in his room. They
were at liberty to make their choice, and then to
fill up the hlank in the grant with the name of the
new Nizam. The measure is fully explained in the
following extract from a general letter ^ : —
" By letters some time since received from the gentlemen
at Madras, it appears that they laboured under great difficul-
ties in the nomination of a Subah to the Moghul province of
the Dekhan, in case Nizam Ali should, by an obstinate per-
severance in his unjust measures, oblige them to deprive him
of his government; and they were even pleased to request
our opinion in a matter of so great importance. We ex-
pressed ourselves with that unreserved freedom which we
wish may mutually subsist between the two Presidencies; and
judging it expedient to secure the Kiug^s firman for the
nomination of some other person, our President was desired
to apply for the same to His Majesty, who has been pleased
to comply with the request ; and in a letter lately received from
him, he promised to despatch a blank firman within five days
of the date thereof, to be filled with the name of any
person we may judge most proper for the security and lasting
tranquillity of your possessions on the coast. This is a
power we should be loth to avail ourselves of, excepting in
the case of the utmost necessity ; and such we fear this will
prove, if we can form our judgment from the present situa-
tion of affairs.^'
Verelst was so convinced of the expediency of
this measure, that a year afterwards he expressed
his regret that it had not been carried out. The
passage is worthy of extract : —
*' I could have wished the gentlemen on the coast ^ had been
more deeply impressed with this idea, so that the reinforce-
' Despatch to the Court of Directors, dated 3rd February 1768.
' The presidency of Madras, on the coast of Coromandel.
BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION. 333
ments sent from Bengal, instead of being scattered and dis-
membered, might have struck the important blow we medi-
tated against the Subah/ In this case, Hyderabad, weak
and defenceless, mnst have fallen an easy prey before the
Nizam could have even received intelligence of the expedi-
tious; and, as the capture must have more universally enforced
a conviction of our power, so the generous restitution of
it to a repenting enemy, must have highly exalted our
moderation and disinterestedness.'^
The measure, howeyer, was contrary to the policy Directors
cancel the
of the Directors. They expressed their disapproyal ^'^^''^
in the strongest terms. They ordered the grant
to be cancelled.
Yerelst left Bengal at the end of 1769. He was Departure of
° _ ^ Verelst.
succeeded by Mr. Cartier, who in his turn gave
place to Warren Hastings. The administration of
Warren Hastings opens up a new era in Indian his-
tory, into which it is impossible to enter in the
present volume.
It has been seen more than once that within two possibiuty ot an
English empLre
or three years of the battle of Plassey, the Engush o^" mndoscaa.
entertained the idea of going to Delhi. Possibly
the attempt might have proved a success, and
even at this early period the English might have
established a paramount power ra Hindostan.
But the course of events prevented the enterprise.
Indeed, an Anglo-Indian empire under the existing
system would have been productive of evil rather
than of good. The appropriation of revenues for
trading purposes, without regard for the people who
^ Nizam Ally, Subah of the Dekhan.
384 EAELY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.
paid it, was bad enougli in Bengal ; it would have
been fatal to tbe good name of the British govern-
ment had it ever been extended into Hindostan.
Fnii..re of the It was destined that Bengal should be the school
scheme of Supra- i • i • •
visors. of Engush administrators ; that the English should
not become masters of an Indian empire until they
had learned how to rule it ; and this result was not
effected until a later generation. The measure of
appointing Supravisors was a move in the right
direction, but it proved a failure. An Englishman
placed alone in a large district, surrounded by
native influences of the worst character, was help-
less to contend against the general corruption, and
was often temjited to share ia the spoil. Such
appears to have been the fate of Yerelst's Supra-
visors.
INDEX.
Ahmadabad, description of, by Mendelslo, 23.
Akbar, reign of, 3 ; policy of,ib. ; partiality for Hindus and Europeans, 4.
Aliverdi Kban, Nawab of Bengal, his rise, 200 ; bis treachery towards
the Eaja of the Cbukwars, 201 ; his usurpation, 207 ; death, 225.
Arakan, King of, his invasion of Bengal, 151 ; punishment, 153.
Arcot, Nawab of, 134 ; dependence on the Nizam, 135 ; history of the
wars of, 137 ; the French and English Nawabs, 141.
Assam, ravages of the Eaja, 152 ; submits to the Nawab of Bengal, 166.
Aurungzeb, 12 ; bigotry and hypocrisy, 13 ; war between the four princes,
ib. ; reign of, 14 ; rise of the Mahrattas, ib. ; takes the field, 16 ;
persecuting wars against Hindus, ib. ; wars in Kajputana, 17 ; threatens
Golkonda, 86 ; conquers it, 88 ; persecutes the Hindus, 161 ; demands
jezija from Europeans, ib.
Bengal, English settlements in, 147 ; Moghul obstructiveness, ib. ; old
hatred of the Poiiuguese, ib. ; Mussulman complaints against the
Portuguese, ib. ; revenge of Shah Jehan on Hughli, 148 ; English
at Piply, 149 ; English trade duty free, ib. ; English factory at
Hughli, 150 ; saltpetre factory at Patna, ib. ; absence of records
at Calcutta, ib. ; war between the sons of Shah Jehan, ib. ; Moghul
wars for the succession, 151 ; invasion of Bengal by the King of
Arakan, ib. ; ravages of the Rajas of Assam and Cooch Behar, 152 ;
Amir Jumla, Viceroy of Bengal, 1658, ib. ; Shaista Khan, Viceroy,
1664, ib. ; punishment of the King of Arakan, 153 ; suppression of
Portuguese pirates, ib. ; complaints of the English, ib. ; commutation of
duties, 154; Tavernier's journey from Agra to Dacca and Hughli,
1665-66, ib. ; persecution of Hindus, 161 ; jezya demanded from
Europeans, ib. ; the English oppressed, ib. ; Mr. Job Charnock, ib. ;
foundation of Calcutta, 162 ; loss of the saltpetre trade, ib. ; Hindu
rebellion in Bengal, 1696, ib. ; fortification of Calcutta, 163 ; English
hold the rank of zemindar, ib. ; objections over-ruled, 164 ; Murshed
Kuli Khan, Nawab, 1707, ib. ; zemindars oppressed, ib. ; employment
of new collectors, 165 ; re-measurement of lands, ib. ; subsistence allow-
ances to zemindars, ib. ; zemindars of Bhirbhum and Kishnaghur
exempted, ib. ; submission of Tipperah, Cooch Behar, and Assam, 166 ;
administration of justice, ib. ; despotic powers, 167 ; Kajas refused
386 INDEX.
seats, ib. ; zemindars prohibited palanquins, ib. ; reasons for eniployino-
only Bengallis, ib. ; English embassy in 1715 from Calcutta to Delhi,
170 ; Captain Hamilton's account of the English settlements in Ben-
gal, 186 ; ruin of Piply by the removal to Hughli and Calcutta, ib. ;
:j,^oxe's and Sagor Islands, 187 ; anchorage at Eogue's Eiver, ib. ; Danish
bo&se, 188 ; Calcutta, Juanpardoa, and Eadnagur, ib. ; Ponjelly, ib. ;
Tanna Fort, ib. ; Govemapore, ib. ; settlement at Calcutta by Job
Channock, 1690, 189 ; despotic power of Mr. Channock, ib. ; story of
Mr. Channock's native wife, ib. ; Fort William and English houses,
190; story of Sir Edward Littleton, ib. ; Mr. Weldon, ib. ; scandals
about bribes, 191 ; divine service, ib. ; Governor's house, ib. ; hospital,
garden, and fish-ponds, ib. ; docks on the opposite bank, 192 ; .social
life of the English in Bengal, ib. ; English soldiers, ib. ; ti-ansit duties
levied by petty Eajas, 193 ; different religions, ib. ; injustice of the
English Governors, ib. ; story of Captaiu Perrin and Governor Sheldon,
ib. ; Hamilton's interference, 194; story of the Persian wine, 195;
territory and population of the Company's settlement, ib. ; Bamagul, ib.;
Danish colony, ib. ; Danish and French Companies, 196 ; Dutch fac-
tory at Chinsura, ib. ; Hughli, ib. ; Cossimbazar, 197 ; Murshedabad,
ib. ; Malda, ib. ; Patna, ib. ; Benares, 198 ; Dacca, ib. ; Chittagong,
199 ; Sundiva, ib. ; a hundred pagans to one Mussulman, ib. ; lightness
of Moghul taxation, 200 ; Hamilton's imperfect information, ib. ; death
of Murshed Kuli Khan, ib. ; rise of Aliverdi Khan, ib. ; Eaja of the
Chukwars, 201 ; independence of the old Eaja : submission of the
young Eaja, ib. ; treachery of Aliverdi Khan, ib. ; Persian invasion
under Nadir Shah, 202 ; Afghan conquest of Persia : lise of Nadir
Shah, 203 ; causes of the Persian invasion of India, ib. ; incapacity,
corruption, and treachery', 204 ; massacre, outrage, and spoliation, 205 ;
breaking up of the Moghul Empire, ib. ; state of Bengal, 206 ; the
Seits or Hindu bankers, ib. ; lawlessness of the Nawab, 207 ; con-
spiracy, ib. ; rebellion of Aliverdi Khan, ib. ; usurpation of Aliverdi
Khan, 208 ; Mahrattas invade Bengal, ib. ; war between England
and France, ib. ; peace between English and French in India, 209.
Black Hole, Holwell's narrative of the tragedy, 227 ; later notices of the
building, 251 ; list of the suflferers, 252.
Bombay, early English settlement at, 36; subordination to Surat,
ib. ; the town of, 37 ; fresh-water springs scarce, ib. ; woods of
cocoes, ib. ; Parell, 38; salt-pans, ib.; Maijm, ib. ; Salvasong, ib. ;
Malabar-hill, ib. ; bigness of the island, 39; mixt people, ib. ; English
Government, ib. ; power and state of the President, ib. ; unhealthiness
of Bombay, 40 ; English women, ib. ; longevity of natives and Por.
tuguese, ib. ; misery and mortality of the English, 41 ; visit of Khafi
Khan, 109.
Buxar, decisive battle at, 327.
INDEX. 387
Calcutta, foundation of, 162; fortification of, 163; Channock's settlement
at, 189 ; state of, about 1750, and general appearance, 212 ; Mahratta
ditch, ib. ; population, 213 ; Calcutta of 1752 and 1876 compared, ib. ;
European element at Calcutta, 214; trade at Calcutta, 215; social life,
216 ; native life, Hindu and Muhammadan, 217 ; English supreme
within the Company's bounds, 218 ; administration of justice amongst
the English, ib. ; administration of justice amongst the natives, 219 ;
revenue of the English at Calcutta, 220 ; total revenue, 222 ; general
use of cowries, 223 ; the Kotwal or head of police, ib. ; subordinate
factories, 224; changes in the transaction of business : abolition of
contractors like Omichund, ib. ; accession of Nawab Suraj-u-daula,
225 ; -capture of Calcutta, 226 ; Holwell's narrative of the tragedy of the
Black Hole, 227 ; city recovered by Clive, 354 ; victory at Plassey,
260 ; universal joy, 261 ; Vansittart Governor, 272 ; disputes about
private trade, 298.
Carnatic, first Nawab of, 99 ; second Nawab, 102 ;— see Arcot.
Chandemagore, French at, 163; difiiculties with Clive, 256 ; capture, 257.
Channock, Job, flight from Bengal to Madras, 89, 161 ; settlement
at Calcutta, 189 ; his despotic power, ib. ; story of his native wife, ib.
Child, Josiah, 79.
Chinsura, Dutch factory at, 196.
Chunda Sahib, the French Nawab of Arcot, 141.
Clive, Eobert, relieves Arcot, 144; his fame, 145; recovers Calcutta
after the Black Hole tragedy, 254 ; defeats the Nawab, 255 ; diffi-
culties with the French at Chandemagore, 256 ; afraid of Bussy, ib. ;
captures Chandemagore, 257 ; victory at Plassey, 260 ; makes Meer
Jaffir Nawab of Bengal, ib. ; his wealth, 261 ; difficulties, 263 ; exer-
cises the authority of the Nawab, ib. ; courted by Moghuls and Mah-
rattas, 264 ; threatened by the Shahzada and the Nawab Vizier, 265 ;
victory, ib. ; war with the Dutch, 266 ; returns to England, 267 ;
his letter to Pitt, ib. ; reasons for refusing the post of Dewan, 268 ;
previous scheme of Colonel Mill, ib. ; ideas of conquest, 270 ; Pitt's
objection, ib. ; second administration of Bengal, 329 ; his wrath at
the measures of his predecessor, 331 ; settlement of Oudh, 333; set-
tlement of Bengal, ib. ; exposition of his policy, 335 ; mutiny of the
civil servants, 340 ; mutiny of Bengal military officers, 342 ; exposition
of future policy, 343 ; its imperfections, 351.
Cooch Behav, ravages of the Raja, 152 ; submission to the Nawab of
Bengal, 166.
Cossimbazar described by Hamilton, 196.
Daud Khan, second Nawab of the Carnatic, 102; entertained at Madras
by Governor Pitt, 104 ; besieges Madras, 113.
Delhi, English embassy to, 170 ; contemporary state of affairs at, ib.
388 INDEX.
Directors of East India Company, their despatches as regards ipoWcy,
private trade, &c., 271—317.
Dupleix, French Governor of Pondicherry, his political schemes, 140 ; his
glory, 143.
English settlements in India, 1; at Surat, 18; at Bomhay, 36; at
Madras, 48 ; in Bengal, 147.
Farrulv-h Siyar, Moghnl Emperor at Delhi, his history, 171 ; receives an
embassy from the English at Calcutta, ib. ; murdered, 185.
Foi-t St. David, English settlement at, 99.
Fryer, visit to Surat, 28 ; to Bombay, 36 ; to Madras, 54 ; to St. Thome,
GO.
FuUerton, Dr., his journal of the massacre at Patna, 324.
Golkonda, subordination of Madras, 62 ; conquered by Aurengzeb, 88.
Gyfford, Mr. William, 79.
Holwell, his narrative of the Black Hole tragedy, 227.
Hughli, destruction of the English factory at, 88; revenge of Shah
Jehan, 148; English factory at, 150; described by Hamilton, 196.
Hyderabad, — see Nizam.
Hamilton, Captain, his description of Madi'as, 124; his description of
the English settlements in Bengal, 186.
Hamilton, Dr., his troubles at Delhi, 183 ; his tomb at Calcutta, 184.
India in the seventeenth century, 1 ; division of India — Hindustan,
Dekhan, and Peninsula, ib. ; Moghul empu-e, 3 ; breaking up of the
empire, 205.
Jehangir, reign of, 12.
Khali Khan, his visit to Bombay, 109.
Langhorn, Sir William, Agent at Madras, 56 ; his government, 62.
Madras, English settlement at, 47 ; territory and island, 48 ; White Town,
49 ; Black Town, ib. ; early perils, 60 ; European establishment, 51 ;
consultations and general letters, ib.; Merchants, Factors, Writers, and
Apprentices, 52 ; private trade and presents, ib. ; Chaplain and School-
master, ib.; administration of justice, 53 ; Native police, ib. ; morals,
54 ; Fryer's visit about 1674, ib. ; I\Iadras under Golkonda, 62 ; pro-
posed abandonment of Madras, 64 ; moral rules, 65 ; low state of morals
INDEX. 389
C6 ; Eevevend Patrick Warner, 68 ; letter to the Directors, ib. ; visit of
Sivaji, 72 ; ijuiudatiou at Madras, ib. ; Directors insist on local tax-
ation, 81 ; petition of natives, ib.; slave trade at Madras, 83; final
prohibition of the slave trade, 85 ; history of Madras under the Mo^huls,
88; municipal government, 92; entertainment of Nawab Daiid Khan,
104: besieged by Daud Khan, 113 ; trade in 1712, 116; described by
Captain "Hamilton, 124 ; war of the Carnatic, 135.
Mahrattas, rise of, 14 ; wars of Aurangzeb, 16 ; ravages near Madras, 95 ;
besiege Pondicherry, 98 ; at Trichinopoly, 136 ; invade Bengal, 208.
Malabar hill, 38.
Mandelslo, visit to Surat, 19 ; to Ahmedabad, 22.
Mayor's Court, original form at Madras, 92 ; reorganisation of, 133.
Meer Cossim, installed Nawab, 272 ; his designs, 273 ; attitude towards
Shah Alam, 277 ; efforts of Governor Vansittart to conciliate him, 279 ;
disputes about private trade, 298 ; massacre at Patna, 318 ; Fullerton's
diary, 324 ; his ruin, 327.
Meer Jaffir, made Nawab of Bengal by Clive, 260 ; drives the Hindus
into rebellion, 262 ; alanned at Clive's defeat of the Dutch expedition,
266 ; deposed, 272 ; restored to the throne, 328.
Mill, Colonel, his scheme for the conquest of Bengal long anterior to
Clive, 268.
Moghul empire in India, 2 ; inherent weakness of Moghul rule, 5 ;
Moghul despotism, ib.; land tenures, 6 ; renter and husbandman, ib. ;
proprietary right of the Sovereign, 7 ; rights of inheritance refused to
office-holders, ib. ; life in public, 8 ; government in the provinces, ib. ;
revenue system, 9 ; presents, 10 ; Moghul Court, ib. ; rebellions, 11 ;
breaking up of the Moghul empire, 205.
Muhammad Ali, the English Nawab of Arcot, 141.
Mimicipal government at Madras, natives mixed with Europeans, 92 ; —
see Mayor's Com-t.
Murshed Kuli Khan, Nawab of Bengal, his oppressive administration,
164.
Murshedabad founded by Murshed Kuli Khan, 164 ; described by Cap-
tain Hamilton, 196.
Mysore in the seventeenth century, 73.
Nadir Shah, his invasion of India, 202.
Nizam of Hyderabad, growing independence, 135 ; wars for the succes-
sion, 140 ; the English and French Nizams, 142 ; French at Hyderabad
under Bussy, 143.
Patna, English saltpetre factory at, 150; loss of the trade, 162; mas.sacre
of the English by Meer Cossim, 318 ; diaries of the siege and massacre,
320.
390 INDEX.
Piply, English at, 149 ; ruined by tbe' removal to Huglili and Calcutta,
186. ;- .
Pitt, Governor of Madras, resists the demands of Da6d Khan, 103 ;
entei-tains the Nawab, 104; besieged by the Nawab, 113.
Pitt, William, his objections to CUive's policy, 270.
Plassey, Clive's victoiy at, 260.
Pondicherry besieged by the Mahrattas, 98.
Portuguese hostility to the English, 18 ; Moghul complaints against, 147 ;
revenge of Shah Jehan on Hughli, 148 ; suppression of the Portuguese
pirates, 153.
Rajputana, Aurungzeb's persecuting wars in, 17.
St. Thome, Portuguese settlement at, 6 ; captured by the Muhammadans
50 ; description of, by Fryer, 60 jfdescription of, by Captain Hamilton,
131.
Seits or Hindu bankers, 206. . : - .
Shah Alam proclaimed Emperor, 274; proposals for conducting him to
Delhi, 275 ; designs of Nawab Cossim and the English, 277.
Shah Jehan, reign of, 12 ; revenge on Hughli, 148 ; war between his
sons, 150.
Shuja-u-daula, Nawab of Oude, threatens Bengal, 262; defeated at
Buxar, 327 ; settlement of Lord Clive, 333.
Sikhs, massacre of, at Delhi described by the English embassy, 180.
Silver, drain of, its causes, 373.
Sivaji, the Mahratta, 15 ; war against him, -ib. ; goes to Delhi, ib. ; death
of, 16 ; plunders Surat, 34 ; English embassy to, 42 ; audience, 43 ;
coronation, 45 ; visits the neighbourhood of Madras, 73.
Slave trade at Madras, 83.
Supravisors, appointment of, in Bengal, 363 ; failure of the scheme, 384.
Suraj-u-daula becomes Nawab of Bengal, 225 ; captures Calcutta, 226 ;
narrative of the Black Hole tragedy, 227 ; defeated by Clive, 255 ; his
lavish pronaises, 256 ; intrigues with the French, 257; conspiracy
against him at Murshedabad, 259 ; defeated at Plassey, 260.
Surat, early English settlement at, 18; hostility of the Portuguese, ib. ;
pomp of the President, ib. ; visit of Mandelslo, 19 ; Surat Custom
House, ib. ; entertainment at the English house, 20 ; order of the
English factory, 21 ; tea, 22 ; English garden, ib. ; amusements at, ib. ;
visit of Fryer, 28; attacked by Sivaji, 34; subordination of Bombaj'-,
36.
Tavemier, his journey from Agra to Hughli, 154; Agra, ib. ; Bengal
revenue, ib. ; rhinoceros, ib. ; Aurungabad, 155 ; River Ganges, ib. ;
Allahabad, ib. ; crossing a river, 156 ; Benares, ib. ; Patna, 157 ;
INDEX. 391
Rajmabal, lb. ; parting from Bernier, ib. ; crocodiles, ib. ; Dacca, 158 ;
visits tbe Nawab, 159 ; hospitalities, 160 ; Hughli, ib. ; Tavernier's
grievances, ib.
Vansittart, Governor of Calcutta, 272 ; history of his administration, 273
et seq.
Verelst, Governor of Bengal, 351 ; his advanced policy, 352 ; his plans,
357 ; appointment of supravisors, 363 ; permanent value of his observa-
tions, 365.
Warner, Eeverend Patrick, his letter to the Court of Directors on im-
morality at Madras, 68.
Zemindars, Bengal, oppressed by the Nawab Murshed Kuli Khan, 164
Zulfikar Khan, first Nawab of the Carnatic, 99.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE HISTORY OF INDIA,
BY
J. TALBOYS WHEELER.
London: TRUBNER & Co. Calctttta : NEWMAN & Co.
AND BY ALL BOOKSELLERS.
Volvune I.— THE VEDIC PERIOD— THE MAHABHARATA.
0 one can be said to know India, whether ancient or modern, who
'N
is unacquainted with the Mahabharata and Ramayana, and we con-
gratulate Mr. Wheeler on having performed a task which wiU earn him
the gratitude of many readers, both in England and in India. He has
given us something that has never been done before by any European
scholar, and something which does not lose in value by the independent
way in which it is carried out." — The Times, January 11, 1868.
" Mr. Wheeler's first volume presents an epitome of all those parts
of the poem (The Mahabharata) which have a bearing on the History
of Ancient India. This abstract satisfied the critical, not to say fasti-
dious, judgment of the late Professor GoldstUcker, than whom no more
competent judge could be found." — Saturday Bevietu.
" Of all the works which have been written to illustrate the Maha-
bharata, the most remarkable in many respects is Mr. Wheeler's. He
has, produced the best existing sketch of the story of the great war. He
has in addition to this, embodied in the work, in the form of a running
commentary, his own criticisms on the incidents narrated, giving fre-
quent instances of his sagacity in detecting forgeries, and in following out
the conclusions, often very important, which are implied in details ap-
parently trivial." — The Asiatic.
Volume II.— THE RAMAYANA AND BRAHMANIC PERIOD.
" Mr. Wheeler has undertaken and brought to a sucessful completion
a work which few men would have ventured upon. He has endeavoured
to present to us that ancient India which had been lost to human eyes
long before history, in the proper sense of the word, began.
ADVEETISEMEXT.
" It is these epics" (the Mahabharata and the Ramayana), rather than
the philosophical and religious writings of the Brahmins, which repre-
sent the element of human struggles and suffering in ancient Indian
history.
" Mr. Wheeler has rendered accessible to every English reader two
great works, which contain the most important memorials that remain
to us of ancient life in India."— T/ie Pioneer, Allahabad, September
22, 1869.
" In his analysis and bold criticism of the Mahabharata, Mr. Wheeler
was, in England at any rate, first in the field. Readers who never
studied a Sanscrit book, and who have not yet summoned up courage
to face those ponderous tomes in which German erudition is slowly
opening up the as yet unexplored wilds of Indian history and mythology,
can appreciate Mr. Wheeler's lively style, and enjoy his brilliant analysis
of one of the most interesting poems in the world. And to this task
he brought a mind trained in Grecian and Roman history, familiar with
oriental modes of thought, and the practical acumen of the Govern-
ment official, whose life is spent in close contact with the minds of the
people whose ancient history forms the subject of his investigations.
To these causes it is due that he should have elicited the applause of
orientalists, and wrung from German savans, whose life is passed in the
study of early Indian history, the tribute of sincere admiration." —
Peofessoe GoLDSircKEE in The Westminster Review.
Volume III.-HIlSrDU, BUDDHIST, AND BRAHMANICAL.
" The author closes his retrospect of Brahmanic India with a par-
ticular notice of the rite of sati, or burning of widows.
" The third chapter is devoted to the life and teachings of Gotama
Buddha. The whole of this chapter shows not only a careful study of
books, but a close and intelligent observation of the working of the
rival systems in the present day. Mr. Wheeler's field of service has
been varied ; he has seen the Brahmanism of India and the Buddhism
of BuiTua in full operation, and he has scnitinised them with a careful
and observ^ant eye. His contrast of the two rehgions is very graphic.
" The expedition of Alexander and the notices of India by Greek
and Roman writers make an interesting chapter. All matters of intei-est
recorded by Anian, Strabo, Megasthenes, Quintus Curtius, and others,
have been diligently woven into a narrative. This has never been so
completely done before.
" The most interesting chapter in the work is that upon the Rajpoots,
the descendants of the Kshatriyas, the noblest and proudest race iu
India.
ADVERTISEMENT.
" We heartily comniend Mr. Wheeler's book. It treats of the early
history of India in a way never before attempted." — Saturday Review.
Volume IV., PABT I.-MUSSULMAN RULE.
" The author's arrangement is systematic, and his boldness of ex-
pression is at least suggestive of mastery of the subject. We think he
deserves great credit for gi^ang a new tone to a dry but important theme ;
and for expounding with a vigorous mannerism, if not originality of
stjde, facts and theories which have heretofore been little dwelt upon
by oriental annalists, or discussed by critics and reviewers, apart from
the historical record." — SiE Feedeeick Goldsmid in The Academy,
April 8th, 1876.
" The fourth volume of Mr. Wheeler's excellent history of India
from the earliest ages, is devoted to the important period of Mussulman
ascendancy extending from the eleventh to the sixteenth century.
" We may add that if there be one quality which his work can
claim, it is that of being thoroughly conscientious and trustworthy.
He has cousulted endless authorities, examined and sifted their state-
ments with scrupulous care, and his terse, lucid, and vigorous style is
a further recommendation of the work. " — The Standard.
The Indian Gift Book of the season.
HISTORY OF THE IMPERIAL ASSEMBLAGE AT DELHI.
HELD ON THE 1st OF JANUARY 1877,
To celebrate the assumption by Her Majesty QUEEN VICTOKIA
of the Title of EMPRESS OP INDIA;
With Histoeical Sketches of India and hee Peixces.
By J. TALBOYS WHEELEE.
With 13 Portraits, Maps, and 17 Illustrations, chiefly by Photographs.
Royal 4to, elegantly bound in cloth.
Price 36 Rupees, casli.
Subscribers' names are being registered by
W. NEWMAN & Co.,
5, Dalkousie square, Calcutta,
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